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TEN LETTERS 



ON THE 




SUBJECT OF SLAYERY: 

ADDRESSED TO THE DELEGATES FEOM THE COXGRE- 

GATIOXAL ASSOCIATIONS TO THE LAST GENERAL 

ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. 



BY N. L. RICE, D. D., 

PASTOR OF SECOND PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, ST. LOUIS. 



.^ -4 9 *- ■'C^ 



SECOND EDITION 



SAINT LOUIS, MO. : 

KEITH, WOODS & CO., PRINTERS, 88 MARKET STREET. 

1856. 



TEN LETTERS 



ON THE 



SUBJECT OF SLAVERY: 



ADDRESSED TO THE DELEGATES FROM THE CONGREGATIONAL 

ASSOCIATIONS TO THE LAST GENERAL ASSEMBLY 

OP THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. 



BY N. L. RICE, D. D., 

PASTOR OF THE SECOND PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, SAINT LOUIS, MO. 




* SAINT LOUIS, MO. : 

KEITH, WOODS & CO., PRINTERS, 88 MARKET STREET. 

1856. - 



^ PREFACE. 

Those opposed to the doctrines of the Abolitionists, have 
been charged with shunning and fearing discussion ; and it was 
intimated to the last General Assembly, by one of the Congre- 
gationalist delegates, that Presbyterians were not so communi- 
cative on this subject as they should be. Fully persuaded that 
that cause which will not bear discussion, is a bad one— per- 
suaded, also, that the existing agitations on the subject of 
slavery demand discussion, and that the discussion of the 
subject, in the spirit of kindness, will do good in more than one 
way, I ventured to address, to the Congregationalist delegates 
to the last General Assembly, the following letters. The 
interest they have awakened, and the desire expressed in differ- 
ent quarters, to have them printed in a more permanent form, 
have induced me to consent to the publication in the form in 
which they now appear. Every position taken in these letters 
might be indefinitely strengthened; but, it is believed, that 
sufficient evidence has been furnished to satisfy all reasonable 
persons. Hoping that the views here presented may do some 
good, in allaying prejudice and passion, in counteracting the 
tendency to extreme positions, and in awakening an interest in 
favor of emancipation and colonization, the authpr ventures to 
1^ 



4 PREFACE. 

republish them in a form somewhat more permanent than that 
of a weekly newspaper. 

On no important subject, has there been so much declama- 
tion, and so little argument — so much that has claimed to be 
discussion, with so little regard to the facts, in view of which 
only an intelligent judgment can be formed. The immense 
evils which have resulted from such agitations, and the evils yet 
to be apprehended, admonish us, that the time has come for 
kind, sober argument. Abolitionists, in the intensity of their 
zeal against slavery, have forgotten to look well to their own 
principles of action. They have overlooked the obvious truth — 
that the best cause may be damaged by the adoption of false 
pi'inciples by its advocates. In these letters, the author has 
called their attention to their own proceedings, and invited 
them to stop assailing others, and defend themselves. It is to 
be hoped, that our brethren wdll either be silent on the subject 
in their future intercourse with Presbyterians, or calmly un- 
dertake the defense of the principles and mode of action 
adopted by Abolitionists. 

The Author. 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 



LETTER I. 

BrethrExV : — Since I had the pleasure, as the Moderator 
of the last General Assembly of the Presbyterian church, of 
welcoming you as delegates to that body, from your respective 
Associations, I have thought much of the subject of Slavery, 
which you felt it your duty, in your remarks, to introduce. 
Your remarks were characterized by Christian courtesy, and 
were, therefore, heard attentively and respectfully. Yet, you 
gave us to understand that, in your opinion, and in the opinion 
of the bodies represented by you, the Presbyterian church is 
failing to discharge her duty, with respect to slavery, if not 
actually receding from her former testimony on this subject. 
That was not the time, nor the place, fully to state the views 
we entertain on this subject, and the reasons for them. Yet, the 
present unhappy agitations arising from this subject, and its 
threatening aspect, seem to demand calm and candid investiga- 
tion. Not as the Moderator of the General Assembly, but as 
an humble minister of the Presbyterian church, I now deem it 
my duty to address you, and to assign some reasons why 
Presbyterians cannot cooperate with our Congregationaliat 
brethren, who embrace the doctrines of the Abolitionists, in 
their method of dealing with this delicate and difficult subject. 
You think us neglectful of our duty to masters and slaves. 
After long and careful examination of the principles involved, 
we are sure that you have fallen into serious error, and that the 



6 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

coarse you have cliosen to pursue, has been unscriptural, unv/ise, 
and greatly injurious to the interests of religion, to our country, 
and to the slaves. If this were simply my opinion, it might merit 
little attention. If it were the opinion only of those residing 
in the slave States, it might be attributed to interest or to pre- 
judice. But it is entertained by great numbers of the wisest 
and best men in the free States — men, who have no interests to 
serve, which might warp their judgments. It is, therefore, 
worthy of the careful and candid consideration of yourselves, 
and of those with whom you are ecclesiastically associated. 
They are not infallible. They may have erred in the views 
they have taken of this subject ; and, if they have, they have 
done, and are likely to do, far more injury to the cause of 
Christ, and to their country, than they can ever repair. 

I do not approach you with the language of denunciation. I 
am weary of seeing, in our public prints, crimination and re- 
crimination. It imparts no light. It convinces no one. It 
excites the worst passions, and perverts the judgment. I 
address you as ministers of Christ, in view of your responsibil- 
ity and mine. You have spoken to us courteously, but in 
language of censure. Will you patiently and candidly weigh 
what we have to say in reply? Will you listen, without 
passion, whilst I attempt to prove, that the Presbyterian church 
is right, and you and your brethren wrong, in the treatment of 
this subject? 

I shall not nov,'- discuss the question, Vv'hether slaveholding, 
considered abstractly, is rigid; nor shall I attempt to prove 
that slavery is a blessing, or an institution, tlie perpetuation of 
which is desirable. It exists in our country, and is to be 
treated as a reality. I believe, that the mode of treating it, 
adopted by the Abolitionists, is unscriptural, unwise, and deeply 
injurious to the slaves themselves. Let us reason together. 

There are two aspects in which the subject of slavery ought 
to be viewed, viz : 1st. As a providential fad ; and 2d. As an 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 7 

institution involving important duties and interests. These 
two aspects are quite distinct; but they cannot be entirely 
separated. 

1st. Slavery, as it exists in our country, presents itself as a 
providential fact. You and I agree in holding the doctrine of 
a particular providence. You will agree with me, therefore, 
that, however wicked the men by whom slavery was introduced 
into this free country, God has permitted it for wise reasons, in 
order to the accomplishment of some great and important ends. 
The sale of Joseph into slavery by his brethren, was an unmiti- 
gated wickedness : and the men who bought him and sold him 
to Potiphar, were little better than his unnatural brethren. 
Yet the hand of God was in it. It was part of a plan full of 
benevolence toward Joseph, and even toward his wicked breth- 
ren. Joseph happily looked more at the providence of God in 
this thing, than at the wickedness of his oppressors. He, 
therefore, quietly submitted, discharged his duty to Potiphar, 
and waited the development of God's designs. In due time, 
that development came ; and he could say to his brethren — 
"■ But as for you, ye thought evil against me ; but God meant it 
unto good, to bring to pass, as it is this d.ay, to save much 
people alive." 

Brethren, has it ever occurred to you, and to those with whom 
you act, that God has some great and benevolent ends to accom- 
plish, by permitting slavery to exist in our country ? You may 
regard this as a strange question ; but although I have been in 
the habit, for years, of reading the writings of Abolitionists, I 
do not remember to have seen the question discussed in a single 
instance. Their minds seem to have been fixed exclusively upon 
the wrongs v\aiiGh, as they suppose, have been inflicted upon the 
slaves ; and their time and energies have been expended in con- 
demning and denouncing slaveholders. The Presbyterian church 
has taken a widely difierent view. She has endeavored to 
understand the designs of an All-wise Providence, in permitting 



O LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

. the existence of slavery in our country. She has believed, that 
she did, to some extent, understand them ; and her treatment of 
slavery has been influenced, in no small degree, by lier views of 
the leadings of God"s providence. 

Precisely here, as we believe, Abolitionists of all classes have 
egregiously erred. 

May it not be, that God, in his providence, sent the Africans 
to this countr}', that they might receive the light of the Gospel, 
and that, from amongst them, he might gather into his kingdom 
many precious souls? May not the language of Joseph to his 
brethren l^e precisely appropriate to those who, for gain, tore 
them from their country? — "But as for you, ye thought evil 
againist me," etc. And if such was God's merciful design in 
sending them to this country, did not His providence call upon 
the American churches to see to it, that the Gospel should be 
preached to them ? I am persuaded, you will not deny, that 
such was one of the purposes of God, in permitting the exist- 
ence of American slavery ; for it is a fact — a soul-cheering fact, 
in connection with a painful subject — that the Holy Spirit 
has called multitudes of them into his kingdom. You, of 
course, believe that God wisely adapts means to ends. The end 
designed, as you will not deny, was the conversion and salva- 
tion of a multitude of those degraded Africans. A part of the 
means, was the sending of them to these United States. 

Now, brethren, let me earnestly ask — What have Abolition- 
ists done toward the conversion of the slaves in this country ? 
To v.'hat extent have they obeyed the call of God's providence, 
to preach to them " the unsearchable riches of Christ ? " Who 
have been the instruments in the conversion and. salvation of 
the multitudes of thera who have become Christians in the 
slave States? The Abolitionists, you must candidly acknowl- 
edge, have had no part in this good work. They have, indeed, 
asserted the right of the slaves to their freedom from the 
authority of man; but they have done nothing to deliver them 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 3 

from the bondage of sin and Satan. For their knowledge of 
the Gospel, and for their hopes of heaven, they are indebted to" 
the very men so constantly and so bitterly denounced by Abo- 
litionists ; and in heaven, they will bless God, that there were 
some Christians who were not Abolitionists. 

The Presbyterian chm-ch, though often condemned for un- 
faithfulness, has, from the beginning, paid special attention to 
their religious instruction. In 1787, the synods of Philadel- 
phia and New York spoke distinctly on this subject ; and in 
1815, the General Assembly "urged the Presbyteries under 
their care to adopt such measures as will secure, at least to the 
rising generation of slaves, within the bounds of the church, a 
religious education." The Assembly of 1818, "recommended 
to all the members of our religious denomination, not only to 
permit but to facilitate and encourage the instruction of their 
slaves in the principles and duties of the Christian religion," etc. 
Our ministers and people have not been inattentive to this 
work. You may not be unaware, that a number of our minis- 
ters have devoted themselves entirely to the instruction of the 
negroes. Those of some other denominations have pursued a 
similar course. Have you not greatly erred, brethren, in 
wholly neglecting the spiritual interests of those whom God, in 
his providence, has sent to your doors, that you might aid in 
preaching the Gospel to them ? 

You will not deny, moreover, that the spiritual and eternal 
interests of the slaves are of infinitely greater importance, than 
their freedom from human bondage. How has it happened, 
then, that the attention of Abolitionist ministers has been 
given almost exclusively to those interests which are of com- 
paratively trifling importance? How has it happened, espe- 
cially when their office, as Christian ministers, requires that 
their labors be chiefly directed to the spiritual interests of 
men? 

Is it not probable, that another gracious purpose which God 



10 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

designed to answer, by permitting the existence of slavery in 
this country, was to evangelize Africa, by sending Christianized 
Africans back to the land of their forefathers, to bear the light 
of the Gospel? You well know at what sacrifice of precious 
lives missions in Western Africa have been conducted. You 
know, that the constitution of the %vhit<3 man cannot endure 
that climate. Ought not the organization of the American 
Colonization Society to have been hailed by all American 
Christians, as the most important benevolent enterprise of the 
age, and as affording a satisfactory answer to the difficult ques- 
tion, w^hy, in the providence of G-od, slavery was permitted in 
our country? It oSered to manumitted negroes, an asylum, 
where they could be truly free, and where they could become 
really elevated. It offered the most effective means of suppress- 
ing the slave trade on the coast of Africa. It afforded the very 
best means of sending the Gospel to the benighted tribes of 
Africa. It proposed to establish, on the coast of Africa, 
a civilized and free Eepublic, which, transplanting American 
institutions, might bless unnumbered millions. In 1829, Henry 
Clay, with far-seeing wisdom, said — " We may boldly challenge 
the annals of human nature, for the record of any human plan 
for the amelioration of the condition or advancement of the 
happiness of our race, which promised more unmixed good, or 
more comprehensive beneficence, than that of Colonization, if 
carried into full execution." And have not the results justified 
this strong language ? Look now at the Eepublic of Liberia, 
with its free institutions, its schools, its churches, its commerce, 
its influence upon the neighboring tribes of heathen, and its 
success in the suppression of the slave trade ; and say, whether 
Mr. Clay was not right. The day has come, w^hen even 
Abolitionists are constrained to utter the praises of Coloniza- 
tion. Read the folloAving from a late numl^er of the Congrega- 
tionalist, of Boston : 
" American Colonization Society. — It claims to have estab- 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 11 

lishetl a colony in Africa, tliat has already been acknowledged 
an independent Eepublic by the principal governments of the 
world — to have settled Christianity on a permanent footing, 
preparing the principal agency for sending it abroad over the 
whole dark and populous continent — to have planted there 
American civilization, giving the people a constitution like our 
own — laws, schools, arts, language, and newspapers, besides 
rearing a college edifice, and supporting a public library of 
great value — and to have furnished thousands of free people of 
color with a home, where they labor under none of the disad- 
vantages of an inferior caste; where hope animates them to 
noble exertions, and they may freely aspire to all offices of trust 
and honor, even to the Presidency. The march of the Eepub- 
lic is onward — men, who, but a few years ago, were slaves in 
Virginia and Kentucky, now own farms and large plantations 
of coffee, sugar, and other valuable productions. Commerce, 
too, increases, as the immense internal resources of the country 
are brought to light, and colored men, in a few years, amass 
handsome fortunes ; and educational systems are becoming per- 
fected — schools and seminaries are springing up in every direc- 
tion — so that the next generation of Liberia will possess a 
sound, classical and religious education ; and besides all this, the 
moral atmosphere is healthful — the Sabbath is reverenced along 
the coast and in the interior, and by those who come from 
a distance to Liberia for purposes of trade. Thus much is 
gained." 

The organization of the American Colonization Society was 
hailed with delight by all the leadirig Christian denominations 
and philanthropists in the country. Foremost, amongst the 
advocates of Colonization, stood the Presbyterian church. The 
General Assembly of 1818 said — " We recommend to all our 
people to patronize and encourage the society, lately founded, 
for colonizing in Africa, the land of their ancestors, the free 
people of color in our country. We hope, that much good may 



12 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

result from the plans and efforts of this society. And while we 
exceedingly rejoice to have witnessed its origin among the 
holders of slaves, as giving an unequivocal pledge of their desire 
to deliver themselves and their country from the calamity of 
slavery, we hope that tho.<e portions of the American Union, 
whose inhabitants are, by a gracious Providence, more favor- 
ably circumstanced, will cordially, and liberally, and earnestly, 
cooperate with their brethren, in bringing about the great end 
contemplated." 

For a time, the Congregationalists of New England heartily 
sustained the cause of Colonization. In looking over the files 
of the Christian Intelligencer, of New Haven, for a series of 
years, I find it heartily advocated ; and I see evidence that it 
was extensively popular throughout New England. 

But at length. Abolitionism came into existence, and, at 
once, assailed Colonization v/ith great zeal and bitterness. In 
the year 1832, the notorious Lloyd Garrison took the lead iu 
assailing the Colonization Society, and published a book against 
it. "This work," says Dr. Alexander, "seemed at once to 
arouse the feelings of many persons who, with zeal, embraced 
l\b:. Garrison's views ; among these, were found ministers of the 
Gospel, and men and women of irreproachable character." Dr. 
Alexander farther says : " The fiercest wrath of this party was 
directed against the Colonization Society, as the abetters of 
slavery." James G; Birney and Gerritt Smith were once 
ardent friends of Colonization ; but their conversion to Aboli- 
tionism Avas signalized by the most bitter opposition to Coloni- 
zation. The Colonization cause lives and triumphS; only because 
Abolitionists were unable to destroy it. The Republic of 
Liberia exists, and challenges the admiration of the world, only 
because they were unable to blast its prosperity. 

Now, brethren, look at Garrison, (the father of Abolition- 
ism,) and his party, and listen to their infidel blasphemies, and 
then look at the fruits of Colonization, which he slandered and 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 13 

reviled. Compare the scattered fugitives in Canada with the 
Republic of Liberia. The former exhibits the work of Aboli- 
tionism ; the latter, the work of the men denounced by Aboli- 
tionists, as the enemies of the slave. 

Will you venture now to deny that God desigjied, by means 
of Colonization, to plant a free Christian Eepublic on the 
shores of Africa, and to make it a blessing of vast extent, not 
only to the colonists themselves, but to benighted Africa ? Can 
you doubt it ? I am satisfied you cannot. But if you admit 
it, then you are compelled to admit, that Abolitionists, instead 
of rightly interpreting the providence of God, have persever- 
ingly fought against it — that they have been the most deter- 
mined enemies of a great work of God — one of the most 
important of this eventful age. And you must admit, too, 
that the very men whom Abolitionists have denounced as the 
enemies of the slave, and as walking in darkness, understood 
the leadings of Divine Providence infinitely better than they 
did. 

Verily, it does seem to me, the day has come for Abolition- 
ism to humble itself under the mighty hand of God. In spite 
of its puny efforts. He has pushed forward His own cause. 
You can easily imagine, brethren, how lectures from those 
occupying such an attitude, impressed the General Assem- 
bly of the Presbyterian church — a body which, from the 
beginning of its existence, has correctly read and obeyed the 
voice of Divine Providence, with regard to this important sub- 
ject. I doubt, if there was a member of that body who did not 
think, that penitent acknowledgment of egregious and injurious 
error would have come, with far greater propriety, from those 
who sent you to lecture the Presbyterian church. For they 
have left the souls to perish in ignorance, whom the providence 
of God called them to enlighten ; and they have perseveringly 
fought against what is now demonstrated to be a great and 



14 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

gracious plan of God for the benefit of slaves, and for the 
enlightenment of benighted Africa. 

Very respectfully, yours, etc., 

X. L. Rice. 



LETTER II. 

Brethren : — I have mentioned two great purposes which 
God evidently designed to accomplish, by permitting the exist- 
ence of slavery in our country. These purposes. Abolitionists 
of all classes have failed to comprehend or to regard, Let us 
now consider this subject, as, apart fi-om its providential aspects, 
it involves great moral questions. He is a very superficial 
thinker, who does not see that the subject is a very complicated 
and difficult one — requiring patient, thorough, and impartial 
examination. There is, first, a question as to the duty of 
individual slaveholders. Is it their duty, at once, to manumit 
their slaves ? If you say, yes, another question arises, viz : 
AVhat is their duty, when the laws of the State forbid manu- 
mission, without the removal of the slaves beyond its limits ? 
If you say, remove them, in view of the legislation of the free 
States against the settlement of free negroes amongst them, 
whither shall the Christian master remove his slaves? And 
then, must he provide for them a home ; or has he done his 
duty, when he has liberated them ? If you say, he must give 
them a home, the difficulty is, that multitudes of slaveholders 
are not able to provide homes for their children. And then, 
suppose, what is constantly occurring, the master has just 
inherited his slaves, but has received no service from them — Is 
he bound to provide for them ? What is the duty of a master, 
when, as it constantly happens, a number of his slaves have 
intermarried with those of other men? He cannot manumit 



LETTKES ON SLAVERY. 15 

them within the State — Is he bound to separate husbands and 
wives, parents and children, whether they are willing or unwill- 
ing, in order to free his slaves ? 

And then, there arises a question for the conscientious citizen. 
Is he bound to exert his influence and to cast his vote in favor 
of immediate emancipation, without colonization ? If you say, 
yes, the question assumes a more difficult shape, viz : Suppose 
he is convinced that such emancipation will prove a serious in- 
jury to both the slaves and the country, is he bound still to go 
for it ? It will not do to say, there is no ground for such 
opinion ; for it has been, and is, held by many wise and good 
men, who sincerely and earnestly desire the removal of slavery 
from the country. It was held and expressed by such men 
as Henry Clay and Dr. Alexander ; and it was decidedly 
expressed by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian church, 
in 1818. 

I express no opinion with regard to these questions. I sim- 
ply affirm, that the whole subject is complicated and difficult, 
requiring careful and patient examination, and kind and thor- 
ough discussion. On such a subject, declamation and denuncia- 
tion are w^holly out of place; and resolutions adopted by 
Abolitionist Conventions, or even by Congregational Associa- 
tions, are worse than w^orthless. 

However we may differ in our views of the proper mode of 
dealing with slavery, there are several points on w^hich, I am 
persuaded, you will agree with me. 

1. In the attempt to convince men of error, and to reform 
them, the Christian is bound to avoid everything in his conduct 
and language, which tends needlessly to produce irritation. 
2 Tim., 2 : 24, 25. Too many regard the harshness of their 
language as the best proof of moral courage, and of faithfulness 
in contending against sin. I fear, this error has not been 
entirely avoided by our New England brethren. Certainly, the 
Abolitionists, as a class, have seemed to place great confidence 
in severe language. 



16 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

2. You will admit, that good men, in their zeal to accomplish 
a desirable end, are in danger of adopting unsound principles 
and wrong means, and of indulging a bad spirit. The history 
of the church affords a thousand examples in point. One 
instructive example is found in Luke, 9 : 54, 55. Precisely 
here, the devil often gains signal advantages ; for he is never so 
certain of defeating a good object, as when he betrays its 
friends into the adoption of wrong principles, and the manifes- 
tation of an unchristian spirit. This danger is particularly 
great, in connection with those objects which make strong 
appeals to the natural feelings. Passion blinds the intellect. 

The end at which anti-slavery men originally aimed, was 
a noble one. They desired to relieve the country of a great 
evil, and to elevate a degraded class of their fellow-beings. The 
object itself appeals strongly to some of the best feelings of the 
human heart. And there is enough of cruelty practiced in 
connection with slavery, to excite feelings of indignation tovv'ard 
those who practice it. But on such subjects, we are peculiarly 
in danger of indiscreet zeal — a zeal which does injustice to 
the innocent, and renders the condition of those we desire to 
benefit, less tolerable. 

And now, brethren, let me call your attention to what I must 
regard as one of the great mistakes of our New England 
brethren, in the treatment of this subject. There has been 
such inconsistency between their language and their position, as 
is adapted, not only to destroy the force of their appeals, but 
to produce irritation. Their language concerning the sin of 
slaveholding, as you will admit, has been very strong — ex- 
tremely severe; and they have so far countenanced and affiliated 
with the most violent Abolitionists, tliat in the minds of the 
people they appear fully identified with them. Slaveholding 
has been condemned as identical Avith '' man-stealing," as a sin 
which should exclude persons from the church of Christ — a sin 
calculated to draw down the judgments of God upon the nation. 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 17 

The following language, which I take from a late number of the 
Congregationalist, is a fair specimen : '' If American slavery is 
not a sin to be repented of, and a crime to be punished, then 
we are sure there is not a sin black enough in all human 
history to need repentance, nor a crime foul enough to demand 
punishment." 

Now, brethren, how do you and the churches of New Eng- 
land stand with reference to this subject ? You are the descend- 
ants of slaveholders, or of those who, without hesitation, 
fraternized with slaveholders ; and you boast of your ancestry j 
To what extent the (Jongregationalists of New England were 
actual slaveholders, I have no means of ascertaining ; but that 
many of them, even some of their eminent ministers, owned 
slaves, is certain. The venerable Dr. Cummings, editor of the 
Christian Mirror, of Portland, Maine, stating the fact, that the 
great President Edwards lived and died a slaveholder, says : 
" If you ask for authority for this statement, we give one that 
few will dispute. We find it in the appendix to President 
Allen's address, in commemoration of the close of the second 
century since the settlement of Northampton, where President 
Edwards exercised his successful ministry for more than twenty- 
three years." We copy the paragraph containing the statement." 

"It is a fact, which need not be concealed, that President 
Edwards was a slaveholder, as were also Mr. Stoddard and 
many good men in New England, who lived before the discus- 
sions concerning liberty and human rights, at the period of the 
American revolution. Mr. Edward's first slave was Rose, who, 
probably, was given as a servant to his wife at the time of his 
marriage ; but she was, at last, a free woman, and her husband 
was Jacob, a tanner and freeman, at Stockbridge. She was 
the mother of Titus and Tamar ; the daughter was free, but 
Titus was a slave. In the appraisal of Mr. Edward's estate, 
in 1779, a negro boy, named Titus, is estimated at thirty 
pounds." 



18 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

The Congregationalist maintains, that a slaveholder cannot 
be a Christian ; and yet, as Dr. Cummings VvtII remarks — " It 
has expressed great admiration of President Edwards, and 
sought the honor of discipIesLip to that eminent man and thor- 
ough Christian." And he adds — " If President Edwards could 
hold slaves, and still be a Christian, shall it be thought a thing 
incredible, that some southern slaveholders are good men, giving 
to their servants what is just and equal?" Well might he 
reason thus ; for the people of Xew England were far less 
excusable for holding slaves, than the people of the South and 
West. In the first place, they had no difficulty in securing 
hired help. In most of the slaveholding States, it is almost 
impossible to hire free laborers. In the second place, the civil 
law threw no such obtacles in the way of emancipation, as in 
most of the slaveholding States. For in most, if not all of 
them, a master cannot emancipate his slaves, unless he -will 
remove them out of the State. And since the free States are 
throwing insuperable obtacles in the way of the settlement of 
free colored people in their limits — and since the Abolitionists 
denounce African Colonization, it really seems reasonable that 
they should stop their denunciations long enough to tell con- 
scientious masters w^hat to do with their slaves. 

If, then, there is sin in slaveholding, the Congregationalists of 
Xew England who held slaves, or who held Christian fellowship 
with slaveholders, were exceedingly criminal. And if slave- 
liolders in the South, surrounded by ten times the difficulty, 
cannot be Christians, then, brethren, instead of boasting of 
the piety of your Puritan fathers, your first duty is to disown 
them ! 

But tliis sin lies still nearer your own door. Slavery termi- 
nated in New York, on the fourth of July, 1827. At that 
time, as I learn from an article in the Christian Intelligencer, of 
New Haven, (Vol. 12, No. 11,) the following six States had no 
slaves, viz : Maine, New Hamp5ihire, Vermont, Massachusetti!, 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 19 

New York, and Ohio. In Connecticut and Rliode Island, it 
was still in existence. So that New England has been but a 
few years free from this crime. And so long as slavery was 
sustained by the civil law, unless I greatly err, it was not 
agitated, as a ground of discipline in any of your churches. Am 
I not correct? It passed away from New England, rather 
because it was unprofitable, as I presume, than because Congre- 
gationalism expelled it. It required no extraordinary piety to 
denounce it, after it had passed from you, and when you had 
nothing to lose by so doing. 

This is not all. It is only six years, as I learn from the New 
York Evangelist, since Dr. Bacon introduced into the Connec- 
ticut Congregational Association a minute, recommending to 
the churches to commence discipline with all those members 
who hold slaves, or are implicated in the system. "Whether 
this recommendation has been complied with, I do not 
know. It is certain, that six years ago, the churches in Con- 
necticut were involved in the sin of slaveholding ; and they 
may be yet ! Now, brethren, how long is it since the New 
England Associations began to lecture the Presbyterian church 
on this subject? Certainly, much more than six years have 
passed since we received our first lecture ; and yet, at the very 
time you were lecturing us, you had slaveholders in your own 
churches! Was this fact known? Certainly, it would not 
have been, if our brethren had been as careful to vvatch their 
own fold, as to inspect ours. 

Still further, it is only about six years since a bill was intro- 
duced into the Legislature of Massachusetts, to declare null 
and void all future contracts made in that State, the considera- 
tion whereof shall be the sale or transfer of slaves in other 
States. And the New York Evangelist, noticing the introduc- 
tion of this bill, said : " There are hundreds of sober-faced 
Yankees, whom nobody suspects of being implicated in such 



/U LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

of the slave trade — uot a few sustaining the relation of slave- 
holders." 

Now, brethren, I will not say, that facts like these should 
shut your mouths on the subject of the evil of slavery, or pre- 
vent you from doing what you can to remove it from the 
country. But I do say, it does not look well in you to denounce 
slaveholders as sinners who must be excluded from the church 
of Christ — as man-stealers — and yet to boast, that you are 
naturally and ecclesiastically descended from Christian slave- 
holders. It will uot do for you to exclude slaveholding 
ministers from your pulpits, and then proclaim yourselves the 
admiring disciples of Jonathan Edwards the slaveholder. It 
will not answer for you to denounce the churches in the slave- 
holding States, when, within six years, your own churches 
have quietly allowed slaveholders regular standing among them ! 

Brethren, if you have really discovered the heinousness of the 
sin of slaveholding, and are prepared to denounce slaveholders 
as the chief of sinners, and those who fellowship them as little 
better, you should begin with penitent confession, and with 
disowning the Puritan churches and ministei-s, in whom you 
have gloried. And then, in condemning slaveholding, you 
should adopt the language of Paul — " Among whom, also, we 
all had our conversation in times past." And again — ''What 
then? Are we better than they? No, in nowise." But 
when you stand up before the w^orld, denouncing slaveholders 
in the harshest language, as if you had never sinned after this 
fashion, and as if the churches from which you are descended, 
and in which you glory, had never held slaves how can you 
expect anything but denunciation in return ? Can you imagine 
that men will fail to see your glaring inconsistences, and to say^ 
that your zeal against slavery gTCW hot when you had nothing 
to lose by it ? Is it strange that they conclude, that if slavery 
were in New England, as it is in the South, the New England 
churches w-ould treat it just as they did when it was there ? 



LETTERS OK SLAVERY. 21 

Bretliren, tlie language of denunciation on this subject, is not 
becoming in the churches and ministers of New England. The 
people in the slave States had the right to expect from them 
the language of penitent confession, and the language of kind- 
ness and persuasion. No wonder, then, that all their appeals 
have been indignantly resented. The language of our Saviour 
toward those who magnified the sins of others, whilst blind to 
their own, was severe. John, 7 : 3-5. The language of Paul 
was no less so. Romans, 2 : 17-23. Now, brethren, if you 
desire to do anything toward the removal of slavery from our 
country, and from the churches, you must change your tone and 
position. Either disown the churches from which you are 
descended, and the ministers of whom you have boasted, or 
acknowledge the churches and ministers who are less guilty in 
this matter. Confess, and then reprove in the spirit of true 
penitence. Some degree of consistency is essential to your suc- 
cess. I propose, in a future letter, to compare the course 
pursued by the Presbyterian church, with that of Abolitionists, 
and to say something of the results. 

Yery truly, yours, N. L. Rice. 



LETTEE III. 

Brethren : — I have said, that Abolitionists have destroyed 
their moral influence over slaveholders, by resorting to declama- 
tion and bitter denunciation, instead of argument and persua- 
sion. I have just read a notice of the remarks of Dr. Kirk, of 
Boston, at a meeting of the Massachusetts Colonization Society, 
at Lowell Institute, in 1852. He is represented as saying — 
" For thirty years, hard words, and some very ugly ones, had 
been used ; and if any good had been accomplished, it was very 
elo^, for not a single statute in any slave State had been 



22 I-ETTER3 OX SLAVERY. 

altered or repealed." xVg'ain, Mr. Kii-k avowed himself ready 
to join an Abolition society to-day, if it would only treat 
slaveliolders as men. It was vain to think, by bustle, abuse, 
and denunciation, to scare the South. '- May God," said he, 
" in his infinite mercy, instead of sending us meetings to abuse, 
grant us those of persuasion and love." Amen, say we. 

Allow me now, brethren, to call your attention to another 
capital error of Abolitionists, in theu' treatment of slavery. I 
refer to the sources whence they have drawn their information 
respecting the condition and treatment of slaves. Tou will 
agree with me, that those who undertake to convince and reform 
men, must treat them with entire fairness and candor. The 
moment they show a disposition to misrepresent their principles 
and conduct, and to exaggerate their faults, not only is their 
influence destroyed, but they are denounced as slanderers by 
those whom they seek to reform. Perseverence in such a course, 
cannot fail to stir up the worst passions. On no subject ever 
discussed, is this more emphatically true, than on that of 
slavery. For this, there are obvious reasons. It is particularly 
unfortunate, that the very subject which, of all others, requires 
to be treated with prudence and wisdom, has been chiefly dis- 
cussed by men of strong prejudices and passions. Those who 
have attentively read the epistles of Paul, cannot have failed to 
remark how careful he was, when obliged to administer reproof, 
to do the persons censured the most ample justice. He labored 
to show them that he was truly their friend, and that it afforded 
him pleasure to acknowledge all their excellencies. 

Have our New England brethren and other Abolitionists 
followed this excellent example? I think not. One of you 
stated in the General Assembly, as evidence that you have cor- 
rect views of slavery, that you gain your information from the 
slave laivs and from Southern papers. Much of it has likewise 
been gained from fugitive slaves. 

Now, brethren, as to the slave laws, which we have often 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 23 

seen printed in Abolition prints, if the objects of those who 
quote them, were to show that they are defective, oppressive, 
and unrighteous, the argument would be legitimate ; and from 
multitudes of Christians in the slave States, they would find a 
hearty response. Even now, there is a movement in North 
Carolina, to amend the laws regulating slavery in some very 
important particulars. In most of the States, the severest 
laws are a dead letter — public sentiment being adverse to 
them. 

But when the character of slaveholders — especially of Chris- 
tian slaveholders — and the condition of slaves, are inferred from 
the laws which stand on the statute book, the grossest injustice 
is done. Would it not be quite as fair to infer the character of 
husbands and of parents in Massachusetts from the civil laws 
which there regulate these relations? And does not every 
husband and father in the State know, that he could treat his 
wife and children very cruelly, without subjecting himself to the 
penalties of the civil law ? And is it not a fact, that multitudes 
of wives aod children, in every State in the Union, do thus 
suffer? But Christian men, and the large majority who make 
no profession, are governed in the treatment of their families 
and of their servants by " the higher law." 

But you read the neivspapsrs ; and from them you learn what 
is the condition of slaves. Why not ascertain the treatment 
which wives and children receive from the same source? In the 
course of twelve months, you might gather up a large number 
of divorces, and quite a number of murders of wives and 
children. And why might not a Socialist use such facts as a 
potent argument against marriage? Would you not reply, 
that such occurrences are published just because they are extra- 
ordinary ? If five hundred men meet on the street and shake 
hands, no paper will publish the fact ; but if ten men should 
get into a street fight, all the papers would proclaim it. So, if 
a thousand masters treat their slaves kindly, no paper i^ublishes 



24 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

such facts ; but if one murders a single slave, the fact is pub- 
lished throughout the country. 

On this point, the late Dr. Alexander, a man not accustomed 
to make statements at random, says : " In selecting matter for 
publication, it often happened that the leaders of the Anti-slav- 
ery Society were imposed on bj narratives purely fictitious — 
fabricated by some designing villain, to answer his ov/n pur- 
poses ; and in the public statement of the condition of the 
Southern States, the facts were more frequently exaggerated 
and distorted in a shameful manner ; and isolated facts were set 
forth with all their revolting circumstances, just as though they 
were a fair specimen of common occurrences." Again, " Pam- 
phlets also were written, and exaggerated narratives of cruelty 
to slaves, accompanied with pictorial representations, were not 
only circulated in the free States, but sent by mail and other 
ways, in great numbers, to the Southern States. Some of the 
pamphlets written, were of an atrocious character, calculated 
to stir up the slaves to insurrection. * * * Alarm and 
indignation spread through the Southern country, like an electric 
shock. * * * The effect on the people of the South, in 
regard to slavery, was the very opposite of that aimed at — sen- 
timents more favorable to the continuance and even perpetuity 
of slavery, began now to be very commonly entertained ; whereas, 
before, such sentiments were scarcely ever heard." Hist. Af. 
Col. pp. 383, 384. 

Brethren, it requires only a very moderate acquaintance with 
human nature, to see that those who circulated or favored such 
publications, were really the greatest enemies of the slaves and 
of our country. They did infmitely more to retard emancipa- 
tion, than tlic most zealous pro-slavery men could possibly do. 
They tied the hands of the friends of emancipation, of whom 
the number was very large, and increasing, in the slave States. 

Do you reply — that the Congregationalists of New Eng- 
land are not to blame for the extravagancies of Abolitionism ? 
I answer : 



T,ETTERS OX SLAVERY. 25 

1st. Those of them who embrace Abolitionist doctrines, have 
allowed themselves to appear before the public, as identified 
with the authors of such publications as I have named. They 
have boldly and severely condemned slaveholders ; but if they 
have ever made any opposition to those men in the free States, 
whose uncandid, slanderous publications have so completely 
crippled the cause of emancipation, I have the fatt yet to 
learn. 

2d. They have encouraged and lauded those who professed to 
detail the horrors of slavery; but they have I'iefused to hear a 
word of testimony of a different character. One of your own 
ministers — a man of very high standings— Tecently visited the 
South. He made it his business carefully to inquire into the 
condition of the slaves ; and he pubfished the results of his 
investigation. How Was his testimony received? Were his 
Abolitionist brethren glad to learn that the condition of the 
slaves is not so bad as they had supposed, and that professing 
Christians in the South are better people than they had given 
them credit for being? Far from it. Instead of a candid 
hearing, Dr. Adams was met with bitter reproach, and excluded 
from many of your pulpits. The Congregationalist, one of 
your leading papers, says : " It is a fact, that many and many a 
congregation in New England, which, a year ago, would have 
welcomed his labors more quickly and warmly than those of 
almost any other living minister of Jesus, would now feel it to 
^y^ a calamity and grief to sec him ascending their pulpit stairs." 
Why is all this reproach heaped upon Dr. Adams ? Is it pre- 
toided, that he has borne false testimony, in order to conceal the 
true character of slavery ? I have seen no such charge made or 
intimated. Dr. Cummiugs, editor of the Christian Mirror, of 
Portland, Maine, has, doubtless, given the true reason. He 
says : ' The Congregational ist has treated Dr. Adams with 
almost unwonted severity, because, having seen at the South, 
slaveholders possessing and exercising all the attributes of 
2 " "" 



26 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

humanity and Christian love, condescension, and meekness, 
towards their slaves, he recorded what he saw, with appropriate 
reflections, and published them in a book." Dr. Adams had the 
honesty and the moral courage to tell the truth, with respect to 
slavery in the South ; and for telling the truth, he is unwelcome 
in many of your pulpits ! Happily, he is a man of very high 
standing ; otherwise, he must have been overwhelmed by the 
opposition and reproaches of his Abolitionist brethren. 

Now, brethren, how do you stand before the people of the 
glave States? Not as candid, impartial men, anxious to do 
justice to your fellow-men and to Christians in those States, but 
as men so blinded by prejudice and passion, as to be utterly un- 
willing to hear the truth on the subject of slavery — so preju- 
diced, that whilst you listen with pleasure to the tales of a 
fugitive slave, of whose veracity you know nothing, you cover 
with reproach one of your own ablest and best ministers, for 
giving an unvarnished statement of facts. Yet, you expect the 
General Assembly of the Presbyterian church to be influenced 
by your opinions on the subject. Is such expectation reason- 
able ? And do you wonder, that your moral influence over the 
j>eople in the slave States has been annihilated, and that multi- 
tudes of them answer the carricatures and the denunciations of 
Abolitionists with great severity and bitterness ? You denounce 
them as guilty of the heinous sin of slaveholding. They 
denounce you as guilty of the heinous sin of slander? And do 
you wonder at it ? Has not the course pursued been precisely 
adapted to make such an impression on their minds ? 

But I would not do injustice. I rejoice to know, that there 
are men — not a few of them — in New England, who pursue a 
widely different course. Amongst these, I have mentioned Dr. 
Cumraings, the editor of the Christian Mirror, who says — 
" We have been worried almost to absolute exhaustion, by the 
motives brought to act on ourselves : ' Unless you change your 
ground, you will lose all your subscribers.'" But he resists the 



LETTKRS OX SLAVERY. fJ 

extravagancies of Abolitionism, and yet does not lose his sub- 
scribers. He says, moreover, "I)r. Adams is not without 
friends. He has the most decided and unequivocal approbation 
of some of the best and wisest Christian men of New England. 
The venerable Dr. Humphrey speaks of his book in the most 
exalted terms, as one of the honestest books that ever was 
written on that subject," proving its author " to be a scholar, 
a gentleman, a philanthropist, a patriot, and a Christian." Rev. 
Mr. Maltby, of Bangor, says : " I thank the author — I thank 
God, for the book. I am glad that another element is born into 
the history of the nineteenth century, a green spot where the 
fires have passed." I rejoice to learn, that there are many men 
of high standing in New England, who hold the same views ; 
and I am glad that they are beginning to come out and declare 
their principles. The time has come for such men to speak. 

Still, the misrepresentations and exaggerations, of which I 
have just spoken, have spread through the slaveholdiug States; 
and they have had precisely the effect which every one, even 
slightly acquainted with human nature, would have anticipated. 
They have destroyed the confidence of the people in the candor 
and truthfulness of those who would fain reform them, and 
produced a high degree of exasperation. They have, at the 
same time, destroyed the influence of Abolitionists over the 
mass of Anti-slavery men in the free States. If their object 
had been to destroy their influence for good, and to do the 
greatest amount of injury to the cause of emancipation, I know 
not what means, better adapted to such ends, they could have 
adopted. 

There are evils connected with slavery; but cruel treatment 
is comparatively rare, 'i'here is no candid man, acquainted 
with slavery as it is, who will not testify, that, generally, slaves 
are kindly treated, well clothed, and well fed. This is especially 
true of the slaves of Christians. There are multitudes of poor 
people in our cities and towns, who labor harder, and fare 
2* 



28 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

worse. These facts do not prove slavery a blessing ; nor that 
it is not a great evil ; but they constitute a very valid reason 
why the passions of men should not be excited by tales of 
cruelty on the part of masters, and of bodily suffering on the 
part of slaves. 

Brethren, if you expect ever to exert any influence in favor 
of emancipation, you must cease to declaim and denounce 
slaveholders, and resort to calm, kind argument : and you must 
let them see that you are disposed to do them justice. The 
injury already done by a contrary course, to the cause of eman. 
cipation, to the caiLse of Christ, and to our country, is beyond 
all calculation ; and it has been done by methods of proceeding, 
for which no intelligent man, with the Bible in his hand, can 
find an excuse. God's word teaches nothing more clearly, than 
the duty of Christians, in all their attempts to reform men, to 
manifest a spirit of candor and kindness. Abolitionism, from 
the beginning of its career, has been precisely the reverse of 
this ; and long will it be before the mischief it has done, can be 
counteracted. Fraternally, 

X. L. Rice. 



LETTER IV. 

Brethren' : — If, in seeking to reform men, it is essential that 
we treat them fairly and kindly, it is no less so, that in our 
appeals to the word of God, we interpret it correctly. Scarcely 
anything more contributes to confirm men in the opinions they 
hold, than for the opponents of those opinions to pervert the 
Scriptures in their arguments against them. Into this fatal 
error, Abolitionists have fallen. They have opposed slavery, 
not as an evil, socially and politically, but as a heinous sin. If 
it is necessarily a siu — especially if it is such a sin as Aboli- 



LETTERS OX SLAVERY. l9 

tionists make it — we shall certainly fiud it strongly condemned 
in the Scriptures. For you, brethren, agree with ub, that they 
are a perfect rule in morals, as well as in faith ; and you will 
not deny, that inspired men, under both the Old and New Dis- 
pensations, have had to deal with slavery; for it existed before 
the five books of Moses were written ; and in the apostolic age, 
it existed in its worst form in the Roman empire. 

With great propriety, therefore, all who believe in the in- 
spiration of the Bible, have turned to it for light on this sub- 
ject. On examining it, we are strvck with two very remark- 
able facts, viz : its condemnation of all robbery, oppression, 
cruelty, and injustice, and its toleration of slavery. Abraham, 
the father of believers, had servants, " bought with his money." 
The Jews, though not permitted permanently to hold each 
other in slavery, were allowed to purchase slaves from the Geu* 
tiles. The law of Moses regulated slavery — defining the rights 
and duties of masters and slaves. In the churches planted by 
the apostles, there were not only pious slaves, but " believing 
masters." These are incontrovertible facts; how are they to be 
reconciled with the doctrine, that slaveholding is necessarily 
sinful — that it is a sin of the first magnitude? Abolitionists 
saw the difficulty of reconciling their views of slavery with the 
teachings of inspired men ; but they made the effort. To ac- 
complish this, they adopted two methods, viz : 

1. They denied that the Jews were permitted to hold slaves ; 
and they denied, that the apostles admitted slaveholders into the 
churches planted by them. To sustain themselves in these 
denials, they placed the Bible on the rack of criticism, and 
gave forth learned dissertations on the Hebrew word eved, and 
on the Greek words kurios, andrapodistes, doulos, etc. But 
these learned criticisms labored under insuperable difficulties. 

In the first place, they encountered the authority of all lex- 
icographers, critics, and commentators. This single fact would 
have proved fatal to them ; for it is the vainest conceit in the 



30 LETTERS ON SLAVKRT. 

world, to expsct slaveholders to believe that the Abolitionists 
were (he first to understand the language of inspiration respect- 
ing slavery. 

In the second place, those criticisms were in contradiction of 
the obvious meaning of the inspired writers. It is too clear to 
require proof, that Moses could not have said of a servant hired 
by a Jew — " Pie is his money." Exod., 21 : 21. To an un- 
prejudiced mind, it is clear, beyond all controversy, that the 
'* believing masters," of whom Paul said, they were " faithful 
and beloved, partakers of the benefit," were slaveholders. For 
they are called despotai — a word which, as Abolitionists con- 
fess, means slaveholders; and their servants were '"under the 
yoke." 1 Tim., 16 : 1-3. "When, in the efibrt to evade the 
force of this passage, they tell us that the phrase — •' believing 
masters" — means roformed slaveJioMers, just as we speak of 
reformed drunkards, the perversion of the Scriptures is glaring ; 
for why, if they had ceased to be masters, did Paul command 
their manumitted slaves still to "do them service" the more 
faithfully, because they were Christians? 

These desperate criticisms seem to have been generally aban- 
doned. At least, I have seen none of them for some years 
past. Tlieir effect s,hovfeYer, are permanent. One of these effects 
was to convince slaveholders, that the Bible really sandioyis 
slavery. They reason thus : " These Abolitionists, in order to 
prove slaveholding sinful, are driven to the most glaring porvcr- 
siou of the Scriptures. The advocacy of truth could not drive 
men to such extremes." And as one extreme, especially when 
the passions are excited, begets another, the conclusion was 
easily reached — that the Bible reall}' upholds slavery. Aboli- 
tionists, therefore, instead of convincing slaveholders, drove them 
to the opposite extreme, and they did the cause of emancipation 
incalculable injury. At the same time, by proving themselves 
incompetent expounders of the "Word of God, they lost the 
confidence of conservative men in the free States. These lasti 



LETTEKS ON SLAVERY. 

as well as raultitudes in the slave States, resisted them, not as 
friends of emancipation, but as perverters of the Scriptures. 

But Abolitionism seeks to sustain itself on another ground. 
We are told that the apostles did, indeed, admit slaveholders 
into the churches planted by them, without requiring them to 
emancipate their slaves ; but they laid down great moral prin- 
ciples, which, in their legitimate working, would exterminate 
slavery — that the time had not come to speak out and denounce 
slavery, as it deserved to be denounced. See the discussion 
between Dr. Blagden and the Congregationalist. This ground 
is, for Abolitionists, both untenable and dangerous. It is 
wholly untenable. They tell the world, that slavery is a sin of 
the darkest hue — identical with robbery and man-stealing. 
Now, can any man in his senses persuade himself, that God 
gave express permission to the Jews to commit such a sin — or 
that the apostles, whilst laying down principles v/hich condemn 
slavery as one of the blackest crimes, did receive into their 
churches men living in the commission of such a sin, and did 
speak of them as " believing masters, faithful and beloved ? " 
Is it credible, that whilst stating the relative duties of masters 
and servants, they did not tell masters plainly, that in holding 
slaves, they were living in damnable sin ? — that they contented 
themselves with teaching certain general principles, the bearing 
of which was not then perceived, and even yet is not generally 
understood ? 

But you tell us, the time had not come for the bold and open 
development of those principles. Why not ? Is it because the 
sin of slaveholdiug is so difficult to perceive, that the human 
mind required fuller development, before it could be under- 
stood ? This will not be pretended ; for Abolitionists do assert, 
that to deprive men of their liberty, is as obviously wrong, as 
to rob them of their money; and, therefore, they insist upon 
making Abolitionists of the Western Indians. Who has not 
heard of the trouble in the American Board, because of the 



32 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

existence of slavery amongst the Choctaws? Besides, if the 
subject was obscure, there was the greater need of speaking out 
plainly. 

Or do you say, the time had not come, because opposition to 
slavery would have excited persecution against the apostles and 
primitive Christians? Do you, then, advocate the principle, 
that the ministers of Christ may withhold the truth, or teach it 
80 obscurely, that it is not perceived ; and may connive at sin, 
whenever a different course would expose them to persecution ? 
Is this the morality of Abolitionism ? But did not the apostles 
openly oppose other forms of sin in the face of fierce persecu- 
tion? Did they hesitate to condemn the errors of Paganism, 
though established by law? And why should the^' have been so 
peculiarly tolerant of slavery, if it was so great a sin ? 

Brethren, the ground taken by the Congregationalist and 
other Abolitionist prints, is u slander of the apostles of Christ ! 
Paul, who spoke so kindly of Christian slaveholders, solemnly 
affirms, that he had not shunned to declare " all the counsel of 
God." Acts, 20 : 27. It is not true, that those holy men ever 
concealed or obscured the truth, or connived at sin, to avoid 
persecution ? 

This ground is not only untenable, but it is dangerous. If 
slaveholding is necessarily sinful, then Moses, in God's name, 
authorized the Jews to commit sin, and the apostles of Christ 
allowed men living in gross sin, to be members of their 
churches ; and, instead of requiring them to repent and reform, 
spoke of them as *' faithful and beloved." Now, if men are 
reduced to the alternative of believing that such a course was 
deliberately pursued by inspired men, or of becomhig infidels, 
my conviction is, that they will choose the latter. You con- 
demn pro-slavery men for asserting that God has sajidioned 
slavery; but your own position, I verily believe, is far more 
dishonoring to Him. 

No wonder, Lloyd Garrison and his party are infidels of the 



LKTIKKS ON Bl.AW.RY. 33 

most impious type. Their minds dwelt on the evils of slavery, 
until it seemed to them the great sin; and their passions 
became excited . They turned to the Bible for support. They 
were compelled to feel, that it neither breathes their spirit, nor 
sustains their principles; and iiLstead of abandoning their 
errors, they hurled the Bible from them in fanatical rage. No 
wonder, Gerritt Smith's faith has become unsettled, since he 
abandoned the cause of Colonization, and became an Aboli- 
tionist. But, brethren, has it not appeared to you a little sin- 
gular, that peculiar illumination on one point in morals should 
render the mind incapable of seeing other great truths ? Is it 
not marvelous, that in the defence of human rights, men should 
reject God's Word, which only can protect those rights ? 

Certain it is, that the unwise criticisms just mentioned, and 
the unsound moral principles laid down, making it impossible to 
defend the inspiration of the Scriptures, and the fanatical infi- 
delity produced by the Abolitionists, have annihilated the moral 
influence of Abolitionists in the slave States, and, to a great 
extent, in the free States. Their errors, moreover, have natur- 
ally driven men to the opposite extreme ; so that now, it is not 
uncommon to hear the Bible quoted, as decidedly sanctioning 
slavery. By their maimer of handling the Scriptures, Aboli- 
tionists have done infinite injury to the cause of emancipation 
and to the cause of religion. No wonder, one of you told the 
General Assembly, last spring, of the unsettled state of men's 
minds in Massachusetts, and of the increase of infidelity there. 
If Abolitionism much longer holds the s^vay, there will be little 
else there but infidelity. 

The people of the slaveholding States have had another 
reason, decidedly Scriptural in its character, for rejecting the 
doctrines of Abolitionists. They have had abundant evidence, 
that God has acknowledged and blest those ministers and 
churches they so strongly denounced. If Abolitionists have 
refased Christian fellowship with them, the Head of the church 



34 LETTERS OX fiLAVEP.Y. 

has communed with them, and in answer to their prayers, has 
showered the blessings of His grace upon them. We witness 
in such churches, and under the labors of such ministers, 
revivals of religion a5 frequent, as powerful, as extensive, as in 
the churches in the free States, or as in the Abolitionist 
churches. Christians are refreshed ; back-sliders are healed ; 
sinners are awakened to inquire for the way of life ; young 
converts give scriptural evidence of conversion ; and the fruits 
of these revivals are lasting and happy. In every department 
of morals, apart from the matter of slavery, these Christians 
are as exemplary as those of Xew England ; and in all bene- 
volent works, they are as fruitful. They seem to have as much 
Christian enjoyment in life ; and they are as triumphant in 
death. Many of the best ministers in the ft-ee States — such, 
for instance, as the late Dr. Archibald Alexander, were con- 
verted in the slaveholding churches. 

Abolitionists denounce these Christians as living in heinous 
sin. They point to these revivals and the fruits of them, and 
make the conclusive reply by which the blind man defended our 
Saviour's character against the Pharisees — " Now, we know 
that God heareth not sinners ; but if any man be a worshipper 
of God, and doeth his will, him he heareth." John, 9: 31. 
Abolitionists refuse to hold fellowship v.'ith these Christians. 
They point to the evidences that God communes with them, and 
then to the language of Peter, when called to account for bap- 
tizing a Gentile family; " Forasmuch, then, as God gave them 
the like gift, as he did unto us who believe on the Lord Jesus 
Christ; what was I, that I could withstand God?" Acts, 
11: 17. 

Now, we must either regard all these revivals as spurious, or 
reject the doctrine of the Abolitionists, and condemn the con- 
duct of those who make the mere fact of slaveholding a bar to 
Christian fellowship. For although all Christians are imper- 
fect, and, consequently, God does commune with imperfect 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 



3§ 



beings ; lie certainly does not answer the prayers and bless the 
labors of those who persevere in heinous sin. Most assuredly, 
he does not commune with those Avho are too ^ful to have 
Christian fellowship with the Congregationalists of New Eng- 
land. Brethren, do you wonder that the Christians in the 
slaveholding States reject the principles of the Abolitionists? 

What shall we say, then ? Does the Bible fix its seal of 
approbation upon slavery, and teach, that one portion of the 
human family may, if strong enough, reduce another portion to 
a state of servitude ? By no means. That slavery is a great 
evil, is as clear as that freedom is a great blessing. There is no 
man living, who would not regard it as a great calamity to be 
made a slave. Moreover, it is true, that Christianity aims to 
elevate every class of the human family, and to promote uni- 
versal freedom. And yet the fact is clear, beyond all question, 
that Uod did permit the Jews to buy and hold slaves ; and the 
apostles did receive slaveholders into their churches, as " faith- 
ful and beloved." The conclusion to which we are forced by 
these facts, is, that circumstances have existed which justijied 
men in holding slaves. Such circumstances existed in Moses' 
time, and in the apostolic age. The true question, then, for 
the discussion of American philanthropists and Christians, is 
this : Do the circumstances in lohich the people of the slave 
States are placed, justify them 171 holding slaves? This general 
question embraces several other distinct questions, viz : 1st. Is 
it the duty of each of the slave States, under existing circum- 
stances, to pass laws for the immediate emancipation of all their 
slaves, without Colonization? If this question were decided 
affirmatively, then it would be the duty of each citizen to exert 
his influence in favor of such laws. 2d. If immediate emanci- 
pation is not the duty of the States, then is it their duty to 
adopt plans for gradual emancipation ? If so, then the duty 
of each citizen would be to exert his influence in favor of such 
plans. 3d. Whilst slavery is sustained by the States, and in 



36 LETTEFiS ON SLAVERY. 

view of all the circumstances, is it the duty of individuals 
immediately to emancipate their slaves ? If Abolitionists, in- 
stead of pe#erting the Scriptures, and declaiming against 
American slavery in general, had calmly and candidly discussed 
these questions, looking all the facts in the face, much good 
■would have resulted. But when they not only perverted the 
Word of God, and embraced principles tending directly to 
infidelity, but harshly condemned men for not doing impossi- 
bilities ; they could expect only to produce irritation and deter- 
mined opposition. And when they closed their pulpits and 
their churches against men owned and honored of God, in the 
conversion of many souls, they could expect only to excite the 
indignation of the churches in the slave States. 

The Presbyterian church has stood at an equal remove from 
the extremes of Abolitionism and Pro-slavcryism. She has 
refused to pervert God's Word, to make it either denounce or 
sanction slavery. She has regarded it as a great evil, but an 
evil inherited, an evil of long standing, and so interwoven with 
the very texture of society, that, like a chronic disease, it must 
require much time, and patient and kind treatment, to eradicate 
it. She is fully persuaded, that for all the evils under which 
mankind suffer, the Gospel is the great and only remedy. 
Refusing, therefore, to mingle in heterogeneous conventions, and 
sanction their vague and unmeaning resolutions, she goes for- 
ward on her sublime mission, preaching the Gospel alike to 
masters and slaves, saying, openly and boldly, all that the apos- 
tles said, and refusing to say a word more. And to-day, she 
stands prepared to compare notes, as to results, with her 
traducers. Fraternallv, N. L. Rice. 



LETTER y. 

Brethren : — You have felt yourselv^ called, in the provi- 
dence 6f God, to endeavour to secure to the slaves in this 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 3t 

country their freedom, and to deliver the church of Christ and 
the country from the sin of slaveholding. If you were really 
called to this great work, you were, of course, called to do it in 
accordance with the Word of God. On the two following 
points, you will agree with me : 1st. That if slavery is to be 
abolished in our country, it must be done by the voluntary 
action of the people of the slave States. I will not allow 
myself to entertain the suspicion, that you aim at any other 
than a peaceful termination of it. 2d. You agree with us, that 
the Gospel of Christ is the great reforming agent for our 
world. If it is a sin to hold slaves, nothing is so likely to con- 
vince men of this, and to induce them to abandon it, as the 
exhibition of Gospel truth. This is especially the weapon with 
which ministers of Christ are to fight against sin in all its 
forms. 

Now, permit me to inquire, what our zealous New England 
brethren, who are Abolitionists, have done to have the Gospel 
faithfully preached in the slave States ? They have planted and 
nourished churches in all the free States ; how has it happened 
that they have wholly neglected the slave States? Brethren, 
have you a single church, or a single missionary, in any one of 
the slave States ? I mean, a church or a missionary who holds 
and preaches what you regard as the truth on the subject of 
slavery. 

Nay, the worst remains to be told. You have not only 
neglected to send ministers to preach the Gospel in the slave 
States, but you have exerted your influence to prevent those 
who might be disposed to go ! By whom, and for what pur- 
pose, was the Southern Aid Society organized ? It was organ- 
ized by men who are not Abolitionists, to do the work which 
Abolitionism will not allow the American Home Missionary 
Society to do, viz: to aid in supporting the Gospel in the slave 
States. 
'• The editors of the CongregationaliH recently stated, that the 



38 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

destitutions in Missouri " are great and lamentable ; the vacant 
churches arc numerous, and withal feeble." Well, did they 
call upon ministers in New England to bear to these destitute 
regions the Word of Life? Far from it. On the contrary, 
they said, " it is among the last States of the Union in which 
any man of God can promise himself usefulness or comfort." 
They went further, and, after stating that " slavery is there in 
its worst type and most revolting features," they said — " If there 
be a single Lot in such a Sodom, the voice of heaven says to 
him, ' Flee, for thy life.' " That is, in plain English, the devil 
reigns in Missouri ; the people are so wicked, and slavery exists 
in so odious a form, that Christ's ministers ought not to attempt 
to preach the Gospel to them ! How dishonoring such a senti- 
ment to the Gospel of Christ ! One would have thought, that 
Christian men, if they believed the state of things in Missouri 
to be so deplorable, would instantly have set themselves to work 
to devise ways and means of sending to the people that Gospel 
which is the only remedy. 

Brethren, you occupy a truly singular position before the 
people of these L'nited States. You proclaim it as your firm 
belief, that the people in the slave States are living in great 
darkness and in great sin. You declare your conviction, that 
you are called, in the providence of God, to enlighten and 
reform them. You proclaim it, as your faith, that the Gospel 
of Christ is the great agent of illumination and reform. And 
yet you refuse to carry this only reforming agent to the be- 
nighted people I You have, for a quarter of a century, sought 
to reform them by widely different means. How shall we recon- 
cile your faith and your practice ? 

This is not all. You have steadily pursued a course directly 
adapted to destroy your influence, to stir up the worst passions 
of men, and thus to make the prospects of emancipation more 
hopeless. Most men will give a respectful hearing to those 
who look them in the face, and reason kindJy to show them 



LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 



$# 



tlieir errors. But when they find themselves denounced in 
public meetings, and in public prints, by ministers of Christ 
who have never come nigh them, they are not only angered, but 
they feel a contempt for the men whom they regard as their 
traducers. For more than a quarter of a century, the people 
in the slave States have seen themselves held up to public 
odium by men they never saw; and who, that knows anything 
of human nature, would have expected any but the most un- 
favorable results from such a course ? Would any man in his 
senses expect to reform one of his neighbors by getting several 
others together, and passing resolutions expressive of their 
very bad opinion of him ? Can you plead apostolic example 
for your mode of proceeding ? When did the apostles hold a 
convention and pass resolutions condemnatory of sinners whom 
they had not the courage to approach ? Did they not always 
go to those they would turn from sin, and speak to them in the 
gpirit of Christ ? 

But, it will be said, as it has been, that it is unsafe for 
Abolitionists to attempt to preach in the slave States. I 
answer : 1st. The danger, so far as it exists, is simply the con- 
sequence of the unwise, unscriptural course they have pursued. 
For, in years past, the subject of slavery was very freely dis- 
cussed ; and the tendencies were increasingly in favor of some 
plan of gradual emancipation. About the year 1834, the 
Synod of Kentucky, after a full discussion of the subject, 
adopted and recommended a plan of emancipation to the 
churches under their care ; and no unpleasant excitement fol- 
lowed. In the Legislature of Virginia, the subject was dis- 
cussed with the utmost freedom. In Tennessee, there were 
large numbers who avowed themselves in favor of emancipa- 
tion. The same thing is true of Maryland. But so soon as 
the spirit of Abolitionism showed itself in its bitter denuncia- 
tions, a reaction commenced. By a long continuance in a 
course of conduct most unwise and unscriptural, Abolitionista 



40 LETTERS OS SLAVERY. 

have enraged the people, until the subject cannot be discussed 
as in former years ; and now they plead the angry excitement 
produced by themselves, as a reason why they stand at a dis- 
tance and agitate, instead of going to the people and kindly 
preaching the Gospel ! 2d. But have not Abolitionists con- 
demned ministers of the Gospel in the slave States, for not 
preaching against slavery? And, brethren, were not your 
remarks in the last General Assembly directed to the same end ? 
But how can you condemn others for failing to do what you your- 
selves dare not do? It requires very little courage for you to 
stand up in Boston and declaim against slavery, and tell how 
others ought to preach ; and really Abolitionists show a great 
lack of manly courage, when they press others into danger they 
themselves dare not encounter — especially when they have, by 
their course, created the danger. 

I cannot but think, brethren, it is time for you to do one of 
two things, viz : either come to the slave States, and preach the 
Gospel, as you understand it ; or, if you have not the courage 
to do this, cease to interfere with those who are willing to cul- 
tivate the field. If you can come and set us an example, do 
so ; but if not, leave us to do the work in our own way. 

Or will you say to us, as the Congregationalist has said, flee 
out of Sodom ? That is, take from the people the light, that 
they may see ; and in your great friendship for the slaves, rob 
them of the inestimable blessings of the Gospel! Will slavery 
be abolished, or the condition of slaves be rendered more toler- 
able by such a course ? 

But, brethren, has it occurred to you, that in one most im- 
portant particular, you stand in strong contrast with the apos- 
tles of Christ? They could, and did, preach the Gospel amongst 
slaveholders ; but you cannot. Their preaching and their wri- 
ting excited no mob violence and no persecution from pro- 
slavery men ; but Abolitionists keep the country in constant 
excitement, and cry out iu consequence of persecution. The 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 4l 

apostles conscientiously communed with slaveholders ; but Abo- 
litionists cannot. Why these differences? The only possible 
answer is, that the principles and the preaching of the apostles 
were unlike the principles and the preaching of Abolitionists. 
And does the question admit of a doubt — which should be 
considered the truest friends of the slaves ? 

Brethren, if you expect to promote the best interests of the 
slaves, you must come amongst the slaveholders, as Ministers of 
Jesus Christ, breathing the spirit of your Divine Master — as 
men who love their souls ; and you must preach to them the 
whole Gospel of Christ. We not only never succeed in reform- 
ing men by standing at a distance, and abusing them, but we 
never succeed in turning them from any one sin by constantly 
harping upon it. If a man is brought under the influence 
of the Gospel, he will be honest, though he should not hear 
dishonesty denounced every Sabbath. And so, in the degree, 
that a man feels the power of the Gospel, will he be disposed to 
give to his servants " that which is just and equal." Let the 
sun shine, and the snow will melt, though the sun does not con- 
centrate all its rays on the snow-banks. 

Brethren, if, during the last twenty-five years, the men who 
have given their time and labors to Abolition agitations, had 
expended the same time and the same amount of labor in 
preaching the Gospel in the slave States, in the spirit of Christ, 
how glorious would ha\'e been the results. Instead of angry 
agitation, divided churches, and an ardent pro-slavery spirit, 
which we now see, the cause of emancipation would have gone 
forward ; and several of the States on which slavery is now 
fastened for another half century, would have rejoiced in hav- 
ing escaped from its evils. But, most unhappily. Abolitionists 
threw aside the sword of the Spirit, which the Saviour had put 
into their hands, and used weapons of their own manufacture. 
The results are what might be anticipated. 

One of vou, in the General Assemblv, intimated, that it is 



42 I.BTTERS ON SLAVERY. 

the purpose of Cougregationalists to plant churches in the 
South. Come on. Though late in forming the purpose, better 
late than never. Imitate the example of the Presbyterian 
church, instead of delivering lectures to her. If you will come 
in the spirit of Christ, we will welcome you. 

Fraternally, N. L. Rice. 



LETTER YI. 



Brethren : — You cannot be ignorant of the fact, that with 
many slaveholders who have desired to manumit their slaves, 
one of the most difficult questions has been where to place them. 
In the way of manumitting them at home, two serious difficul- 
ties have presented themselves. 

1. In the majority of instances, the condition of those thus 
manumitted, instead of being improved, has been made worse ; 
whilst, at the same time, they form a very undesirable popula- 
tion. Henry Clay, who never hesitated to declare his convic- 
tion that slavery is a great curse to the States in which it 
exists, said — '' Of all the descriptions of our population, and of 
either portion of the African race, the free people of color are, 
by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned. 
There are many honorable exceptions among them, and I take 
pleasure in bearing testimony to some I know. It is not so 
much their fault as the consequence of their anomalous condi- 
tion. Place ourselves — place any men in the like predicament — 
and similar effects would follow. They are not slaves, and yet 
they are not free." The same testimony will be borne by the 
best friends of the colored race. In the free States, their 
character and condition are no better ; and several of those 
States, as you are aware, have adopted stringent laws to pre- 
vent the increase of such a population. On this subject, Mr. 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 43 

Clay further said — " If the question were submitted, whether 
there should be immediate or gradual emancipation of all the 
slaves in the United States, without their removal or Coloniza- 
tion, painful as it is to express the opinion, I have no doubt that 
it would be unwise to emancipate them. For I believe, that the 
aggreg-ate of the evils which would be engendered in society, 
upon the supposition of such general emancipation, and of the 
liberated slaves remaining promiscuously amongst us, would be 
greater than all the evils of slavery, great as they unquestion- 
ably are." You may declaim as much as you please against 
prejudice against color.; but it exists in both the free and the 
slave States, and it is insuperable. And in view of this state 
of things, wise and good men, who desired to emancipate their 
slaves, have more than doubted whether they ought to do so, 
unless they could remove them to a region where they might 
become truly free and elevated. 

2. The laws of most, if not all the slave States, positively 
prohibit emancipation, unless the emancipated slaves be removed 
without their limits. And some of the most stringent of these 
laws are easily traceable to the excitement produced by the 
Abolitionist agitations. Men are not bound to perform impos- 
sibilities. What, then, ought those slaveholders who desire to 
emancipate their slaves, to do with them ? Some of them own 
five hundred or more, of all ages. What would you advise 
them to do with their slaves? Until you can answer this 
difficult question, all declamation against slavery simply injures 
the slaves. 

Here, brethren, let me call your attention to one of the 
many fatal errors of Abolitionists. I have shown, in my first 
letter, that they failed rightly to interpret the providence of 
God in connection with the great work of Colonization, and 
were found fighting against God. But they did more. Their 
opposition to Colonization was really the most effective opposi- 
tion to emancipation. This is evident, when we consid-^:--- • 



44 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

1st. That the Colonization Society offered to couscientions 
slaveholders the opportunity of placing their slaves where their 
condition would certainly be greatly improved, without injury 
to the country. Very many have embraced the opportunity 
thus afforded, and have made great pecuniary sacrifices, to give 
to their slaves true freedom. 

2d. The Colonization cause afforded the opportunity for 
informing the public mind in regard to the evils of slavery. 
For, reasonable men were willing to see the people convinced 
of the propriety of emancipating their slaves, when they saw a 
plan of removing them from the country. Again and again, 
have I heard the evils of slavery vividly portrayed by the 
friends of Colonization, without the slightest unpleasant excite- 
ment resulting. 

But Abolitionists, as a class, manifested the most determined 
hostility to the Colonization cause. They did what they could 
to prevent the Society from raising funds, and to prejudice the 
colored people against Liberia. James G. Biruey and Gerritt 
Smith were once ardent advocates of Colonization ; but with 
their conversion to Abolitionism, began their opposition to it. 
The hostility of Abolitionists and Pro-slavery men seemed, at 
one time, likely to defeat this noble enterprise. 

Thus the Abolitionists did incalculable injury to the cause of 
emancipation — 1st. By rendering it more difficult for the friends 
of the cause successfully to present the evils of slavery; 2d. By 
crippling the only Society which offered to slaveholders an 
asylum for their slaves ; and 3d. By abusing the people who 
saw themselves environed with difficulties, and thus producing a 
high degree of irritation. The more reasonable part of them 
now acknowledge the merits of the Colonization cause, and pro- 
fess to rejoice in its glorious achievements. Three years ago 
James G. Birney published a pamphlet, in which he decidedly 
advised free colored people to go to Liberia. He said — '• In a 
missionary point of light, it is a good thing : in its influence 



I.KTTERS OX SLAVERY. 45 

upon the abominable slave trade, it is a good thing ; and then, 
in respect to the colonists themselves, we have no doubt that 
they are better situated for the enjoyment of equal rights, for 
development and prop:re3S, than they were, or would have been, 
had they remained in this country." Respecting the colony, he 
adds — " We hope well for it ; at present, it does not seem to us 
to be the work of the devil ; it looks more like the vv^ork of 
God." The Congregational ist, too, declares strongly in favor 
of Colonization. 

Brethren, we rejoice to see Abolitionists abandoning their 
insane opposition to Colonization. There never was any good 
excuse for it. For years, it was popular in New England ; 
and the sources of information were abundant. But however 
they may now change their course, the effects of their hostility 
to Colonization will long continue, and will operate most inju- 
riously upon the cause of emancipation. If the Congregation- 
alists of New England had remained faithful to this noble 
cause — if anything like the zeal which has been manifested in 
crippling it, had been employed in its promotion, the cause of 
emancipation must, ere this, Imve made glorious progress. The 
late venerable Dr. Alexander says : '• The opposition which has 
arisen to the North and the South, and which has gone on 
increasing in virulence and extent, has, no doubt, had the effect 
of preventing any eftlcient action of Congress on this subject. 
At one time, it seenied as if the expression of opinion in the 
Legislatures of the States, in the ecclesiastical bodies of all 
denominations, and in the meetings of the people, would have so 
pressed this subject on the attention of Congress, that, in obe- 
dience to the voice of the people, the national government would 
have not only patronized the society, but have extended over 
Liberia the broad shield of its protection. That pleasing vision, 
however, has passed away." By whose influence has this pleas- 
ing vision been caused to pass away ? A half century will 
scarcely be sufficient to place the cause of emancipation whore 



46 LETTEK3 ON SLAVERY. 

it would Lave this day stood, if Abolitionism had never been 
born. 

Brethren, look now at your position before the people of 
these United States. A plan v.-as adopted, originating with 
slaveholders, fraught with incalculable blessings to Africa, and 
offering to those who were willing to manumit their slaves, the 
desired opportunity to place them in circumstances the most 
favorable ; and offering to the friends of emancipation the most 
favorable opportunities for advocating it before the people. 
This plan received the endorsement of all the religious denomi- 
nations in the country, and of the Legislatures of several of the 
States. It counted amongst its friends large numbers of the 
most eminent men in the church and in the State. It had the 
almost certain prospect of securing the patronage of Congress. 
It is now seen and confessed, that the enterprise was one of the 
noblest of this age — admirably suited to promote the best in- . 
terests of the colored people of our country. But in the midst 
of its successful labors, Abolitionists rose up, and, combining 
with Pro-slavery men at the South, labored with surprising zeal 
to crush it in its infancy. Sustained by slaveholders and Anti- 
abolitionists, it surmounted almost incredible difficulties, and 
compelled even Abolitionists to acknowledge its excellencies. 
And now the very men who have done so much to cripple the 
cause of emancipation, come to lecture the Presbyterian church 
— the steadfast friend of the cause — as if she had been, and were 
now, unfaithful ; and, as if they had not done more than all the 
Pro-slavery men to tie her hands, and defeat her cfibrts to ele- 
vate the slaves ? 

Brethren, I do not oppose Aboliliouism, because of its ten- 
dency to emancipate the slaves of our country, but rather 
because it perpetuates slavery, aggravating all its evils, and in 
other ways, does infinite mischief. 

Fraternallv, N. X.. Rice. 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 47 

LETTER VII. 

Brethren : — There are several ways in which efiforls may be 
made to secure freedom to the slaves in our country. Moral 
suasion may be used, convincing masters of their duty, and per- 
suading them to do it. Stratagem may be employed, inducing 
and assisting slaves to run from their masters. Political action 
may be resorted to, arraying the North against the South in 
excited political contests. The two last named methods may 
be adopted by the same persons ; but they cannot be united 
with the lirst. I need scarcely ask which of these methods best 
accords with the office of the Christian ministry, and with the 
character of the church of Christ. The office, brethren, with 
which you and I are clothed — an office involving the greatest 
interests and the most solemn responsibilities — makes it our 
special and chief duty to reform men, and to remove the evils 
of society by moral means. The weapon put into our hands by 
our Master, is "the Sword of the Spirit." And whatever 
social and political rights we exercise, we are bound to exercise 
in such a way, as will not impair our moral influence. When- 
ever Christian ministers pursue a course which destroys their 
moral power, they are shorn of their sti'ength, their Master dis- 
honored, and tlie church wounded. 

And now, brethren, bear with me, whilst I call your attention 
to another capital error into which, as I think, Abolitionists 
have fallen. I refer to their efforts to make slaves dissatisfied 
with their condition, and to induce them to leave their masters. 
You have, doubtless, heard of the '-under-ground railroad," 
which means a systematic plan to induce and aid slaves to 
escape from their masters. To what extent the Congregation- 
alists of New England have taken stock in this celebrated road, 
I do not know ; but, certainly, in the slave States, those of thera 
who are Abolitionista, are generally underetood to have large 



48 LETTERft ON riLAVEKY. 

interests in it. Several things liave conspired to produce thi3 
belief. 

In the first place, whilst our Congreg-ational brethren of the 
Abolition type, have freel}' expressed their opinions on this 
whole subject from time to time, they have expressed no opposi- 
tion to this unwise and improper course, so long pursued by 
Abolitionists. In the second place, the popularity of " Ujicle 
Tom's Cabin,'' in which the operations of t/ie railroad are set 
forth in a very attractive style, confirms the belief, that it meets 
with favor in New England. Occurrences of the nature of 
mob violence have looked in the same direction. 

I do not condemn Abolitionists for not actively engaging in 
capturing fugitive slaves. If I had the misfortune to own a 
slave, and he should leave me, I would not lift a finger to get 
possession of him ; and I would do for others just what I would 
do in my own case. Nor do I condemn Abolitionists for taking 
the necessary precautions to prevent the kidnapping of free 
colored people. In such a work, they would secure the appro- 
bation of all good men. But their great error, and their great 
wrong, has been in adopting measures to render slaves dissatis- 
fied, and to induce them to run from their masters. The 
impropriety of this course will be obvious from two or three 
considerations : 

1. It is in direct contradiction of the teaching of inspired 
men. The apostles enjoined it upon servants to " obey in all 
things, their masters, according to the flesh " — to " count their 
own masters worthy of all honor " — to " be subject to their 
masters with all fear ; not only to the good and gentle, but 
also to the froward." And it is worthy of special remark, that 
they enjoined such faithful obedience, as a duty they owed to 
God, and in order that the religion of Christ might not be dis- 
honored. Paul said to them — obey " in singleness of your 
heart, as unto Christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers» 
but aa the servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. ^* 



heart ; with good will doing service, as to the Lord, and not to 
men : knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the 
same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be bond or free." 
Eph., 6 : 5-7. He bade them count their masters worthy of 
all honor. " that the name of God and his doctrine be not blas- 
phemed." 1 Timothy, 6 : 1. Peter commanded them to b6 
subject to their masters, even to the froward; "for this is 
thankworthy, if a man, for conscience toward God, endure 
grief, suffering wrongfully." 1 Peter, 2 : 18. 

Such was the duty of slaves, as taught by the apostles of 
Christ, and such the reasons urged for the performance of it. 
Faithful obedience to their masters was made part of their 
religion. But Abolitionists, professing to believe the apostles 
inspired of God, have taught slaves, that instead of counting 
their masters worthy of all honor, they should regard them as 
the most hateful tyrants— that it is their right, if not their duty, 
to run from them'; and they have told them of certain system- 
atic arrangements they have made to aid their escape. Secret 
agents have been employed to go amongst the slaves, and per- 
suade them to this course. Fugitive slaves have been coun- 
seled to take horses, boats, or whatever was necessary to their 
escape. Nay, one of the leading Congregational papers, the 
Independent, advised them to arm themselves, and even to kil! 
those who would take them back to slavery. '^ Be fully pre- 
pared," said the editors, " for your own defence. If to you 
death' seems better than slavery, then refuse not to die, whether 
at the way-side, at your own threshold, or even as a felon upon 
the gallows. Defend your liberty and the liberty of your wife 
and children, as you would defend your life and theirs against 
the assassin. If you die thus, you die nobly, and your blood 
shall be the redemption of your race. Should you destroy the 
life of your assailants, you will pass into the custody of the 
criminal law, as administered in the free States, under an 
indictment for murder; but the verdict of the community and 
3 



60 LETTERS ON SLAVfeRT. 

the verdict of almost any jury will be 'justifiable homicide in 
self-defence ; ' and the facts being known, the South will cease 
to molest you or your fellows. Or should a different verdict 
be found, and you be condemned to die as a murderer, your 
ignominious head shall be luminous with the halo of the martyr, 
and your sacrifice shall be for the deliverance of your people." 
The same paper advised the free negroes to form a secret 
society, one of whose objects should be that of " spreading in- 
formation among the slaves of the South, as to the means and 
methods of escape." 

Now, brethren, is the contrast between darkness and light 
more complete, than between the advice given by this Aboli- 
tionist print, and that given upon the same subject by tho 
apostles of Christ? I am happy to acknowledge, that there are 
several Congregationalist papers, which gave utterance to no 
such atrocious sentiments, amongst which I feel bound to men- 
tion the Puritan Recorder, the Congregational Journal, and the 
Christian Mirror. I never admired " the fugitive slave law," 
and never believed it would be of any considerable advantage 
to slaveholders; nor do I believe, it would ever have been 
enacted, but for the efforts of Abolitionists to entice slaves 
from their masters. But, in the language of the Puritan Re- 
corder, I say — "■ While it is a law, let it be obeyed, either by 
doing what it commands, or patiently suffering the penalty which 
it threatens." 

2. The conduct of which I am speaking, necessarily anni- 
hilated every particle of the moral influence of Abolitionists in 
the slave States, and caused them to be regarded with perfect 
abhorrence. Slaveholders, learning that they were trying to 
decoy their slaves, or to excite them to insubordination and 
violence, resolved to treat them in a corresponding manner. All 
unlawful violence against Abolitionists, we have uniformly and 
publicly condemned ; but who that knows anything of human 
nature, would have expected any other result from the illegal 
and unchristian proceedings to which they resorted ? 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 5$ 

If a man claims and holds, as his property, that to which you 
believe he has no right, you may reason with him, and press the 
claims of right upon his conscience. But if he ascertains, that 
whilst conducting this argument, you have employed some one 
secretly to carry it off, will he listen to your arguments any 
longer ? Can you ever again exert the slightest moral influence 
upon him ? Will he not meet your appeals with bitter scorn, 
if not with violence ? Brethren, our Saviour sent us to exert 
a moral and religious influence. What right have we to resort 
to a course of conduct, which will destroy our moral influence 
over those whose reformation we are bound to seek ? 

3. The effect of the course of Abolitionists was to perpe- 
tuate slavery, and to aggravate all its evils. Not only has New 
England thus lost the influence she once exerted in favor of 
emancipation, but in the minds of multitudes, emancipation and 
and Abolitionism are identified. Consequently, the most de- 
cided friends of emancipation in the slave States, feel that their 
hands are, to a great extent, tied. 

I have said, that the course of Abolitionists has aggravated 
the evils of slavery. It has led to the enactment of laws against 
teaching slaves to read, lest they should read their incendiary 
publications. And the escape of a few slaves has naturally 
induced masters to place greater restraints upon others ; and 
the slightest suspicion that a slave was disposed to escape, has, 
in not a few instances, led to his being sold to an inhuman 
slave-trader. Thus, for every slave the Abolitionists have suc- 
cessfully run to Canada, thousands who remained behind, have 
felt their bonds heavier. The man must be most ignorant of 
human nature, who doubts that the attempt, occasionally suc- 
cessful, to run slaves to Canada, certainly makes masters more 
suspicious, more watchful, and more severe. If we could weigh 
in opposite scales, the advantages gained to fugitive slaves, and 
the trouble brought upon those who remain, I have no doubt 
the latter would be far heavier. If ever any people had reason 
3* 



52 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

to jDray — " Save us from oiu- friends " — the slaves in this coun- 
try are such a people. 

But the Abolitionists have resorted to political agitation, as 
well as to stratagem, in their zeal against slavery; but here 
again, I must think, they have been most unfortunate and most 
unwise. There is a kind of political action, by which a great 
Avork might have been done for the removal of the curse of 
slavery from our country, viz : that of enlisting the Legislatures 
of the several States and Congress in the work of Colonization. 
This kind of action was contemplated in the organization of the 
American Colonization Society. The evil of slavery was felt 
to be national, and of immense magnitude ; and men of enlarged 
views aimed to enlist the nation in the effort to remove it. Men 
of enlarged and liberal views took hold of the noble enterprise. 
One Legislature after another, both of the free and the slave 
States, took action in favor of it. The prospects were truly 
cheering. Then, in an evil hour, Abolitionism was born ; and 
its withering influence was soon felt. It very nearly succeeded 
in defeating one of the noblest and most philanthropic enter- 
prises of this age. The success of Colonization, and the admi- 
ration of the world it now successfully challenges, should cause 
Abolitionism to hide its head in shame. 

But Abolitionists resorted to political agitation. They com- 
menced their career by petitioning Congress to abolish slavery 
in the District of Columbia. Apart entirely from the question 
of the constitutional power of Congress to do this, the move- 
ment manifestly must do infinitely more injury than good. For 
whilst the success of those petitions must have appeared to 
every considerate man extremely doubtful, they could not but 
arouse the most determined opposition from the slave States. For, 
taken in connection with other movements of the Abolitionists, 
this was naturally regarded as a part of a plan to agitate the 
subject of slavery throughout the Union, and to encroach, as 
far as possible, upon the rights of the slave States. But even 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 53 

if the effort were successful, the number of slaves liberated 
would be very trifling ; whilst the irritation resulting could not 
fail to effect, most injuriously, the cause of emancipation through- 
out the slave States. The effort failed, as wise men foresaw ; 
and the injury done was incalculable. 

But another plan of political agitation has been adopted. 
The purpose is avowed to admit into the Union not another 
slave State. Slavery is to be kept within its present geogra- 
phical limits ; and the whole country is thrown into agitation to 
effect this object. Its advocates declaim fluently and harshly of 
the aggressions of the slave power ; and Pro-slavery men de- 
claim as fluently and as bitterly against the aggressions of 
Abolitionism. 

Now, brethren, has it not been one of the potent ai*guments 
against slavery, that it injures the States in which it exists ,both 
in their population and in their wealth — that the free States 
are prospering in all respects, whilst the slave States are com- 
paratively at a stand ? This has been the argmnent ; and there 
is truth in it. 

But if Abolitionists believe what they affirm, do they not see 
that the greater prosperity of the free States will necessarily 
give them the ascendency ? Why, then, have they pursued a 
course which could not but array all the slave States against 
the exclusive formation of free States; thus, rendering the 
accomplishment of the object more difficult and more uncertain ? 
Look at the present aspect of affairs in Kansas. No sooner 
was the Territory organized, and the Missouri Compromise 
repealed, than Emigrant Aid Societies were organized in the 
East, and strong appeals were made to induce men to emigrate, 
for the purpose of excluding slavery. I do not deny, that Abo- 
litionists have the political right to form such societies; nor 
have I one particle of sympathy with any illegal or violent 
means which may have been adopted for the purpose of coun- 
teracting their efforts. And yet, who that knows the existing 



34 LETTERS ON SLAVERT. 

state of feeling between the North and the South, could have 

doubted that the people of Upper Missouri and of other slave 
States, would be excited by the extraordinary movements of 
Abolitionists, to most determined efforts to defeat their plans ? 
What is the result? A state of things now exists, which 
deters multitudes of quiet but firm Anti-slavery men from 
going to Kansas ; and it must be populated mainly by two of 
the most dangerous classes of society — the fanatical Anti-slavery 
men, and the fanatical Pro-slavery men — and, probably, by a 
third class, consisting of ambitious men without merit, who can 
hope to bring themselves into notice only by riding some hobby. 
Deplorable collisions are to be feared, producing a state of 
things throughout our country, deeply injurious to its peace and 
prosperity. 

Let us suppose, that ultimately Kansas will be a free State. 
Then an object will be gained in connection with a vast amount 
of excitement and wickedness, w^hich might have been quietly 
secured by the ordinary flow of population. For no one 
acquainted with the existing state of things, can doubt that the 
emigration from the free States, including the foreign emigra- 
tion, would have been greater than from the slave States ; and 
that large numbers going from the slave States, w^ould have 
desired to exclude slavery from the Territory. But it is a pos- 
sible, not to say a probable case, that Kansas will be made a 
slave State. If it should, Abolitionists may thank themselves 
for such a result. 

But suppose you succeed in confining slavery to its present 
limits, what will you have accomplished toward its abolition ? 
One of the most insuperable difficulties in the w^ay of emanci- 
pation in the Southern States, is the great number of slaves. 
If you prevent it from spreading over a large territory, you 
simply increase the difficulty of removing it from the country. 
Is it wise, then, in order to gain this point, to pursue a course 
which annihilates the influence you might exert in favor of gert- 



LETTJERS ON SLAVEKt. 55 

eral emancipation ? Is it wise or riglit for you to lay aside 
" the sword of the Spirit," in order to use carnal weapons, when 
the former would be infinitely more effective ? 

Fraternallv, N. L. Rice. 



LETTER YIII 



Brethren : — In preceding letters, I have pointed out several 
errors into which, as 1 am obliged to believe. Abolitionists have 
fallen, in their treatment of slavery, and have stated some of the 
consequences. Allow me to call your attention to several /acfs, 
which demonstrate, beyond all question, that Abolitionism has 
done incalculable injury to the cause of emancipation, to reli- 
gion, and to our country. 

1. It has divided the friends of emancipation. Slavery is an 
evil of immense magnitude, demanding, for its removal from our 
country, the combined wisdom and energies of all Who regard 
it as an evil. Unless you regard the great majority of the 
Christians in the free States, and large numbers of those in the 
slave States, as hy^DOcrites and liars, you cannot doubt, that 
they sincerely desire the emancipation of all the slaves, provided 
it can be secured by the operation of correct principles, and 
without more injury than good. They have solemnly and re- 
peatedly declared such to be their desire ; and as candid men, 
you cannot question their sincerity. Nor can you say truly, 
that they hold principles which tend to perpetuate slavery. 
For, in the first place, it is a fact, that their principles — not 
those of Abolitionists — have removed slavery from every one of 
the free States, where it has had an existence. This is true, so 
far as emancipation has resulted from moral principle. I state 
this as a significant fact, and am prepared to sustain the state- 



56 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

ment by abundant proof, should it be denied. It was not 
Abolitionism, in its modern phase, which removed slavery from 
New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, or even from the 
New England States. 

In the second place, the principles to which I refer, originated 
and have sustained the Colonization enterprise ; and in connec- 
tion with this, large numbers of slaveholders have emancipated 
their slaves, and placed them where they are truly free. This 
enterprise now challenges the admiration of the world; and 
leading Abolitionists acknowledge its merits, and advise the 
colored people to go to Liberia, rather than to Canada. Many 
benevolent slaveholders in the South have sacrificed large sums 
of money, in order to prepare their slaves for freedom, and to 
place them in comfortable circumstances. They have done this, 
as a matter of moral principle and of benevolence. 

But Abolitionists have pursued a course in which the large 
majority of the friends of emancipation could not unite ; nay, 
which they have felt bound, in conscience, to oppose. Instead 
of employing their time and energies in forming and executing 
plans for the elevation of the slaves, they have been compelled 
to make battle with a fanaticism, which, whilst it would never 
abolish slavery, would abolish everything most dear to the 
Christian. Can there be greater folly, than to divide the friends 
of a great enterprise, in the accomplishment of which the 
united efforts of all are imperatively demanded ? 

2. Abolitionism has produced a general and powerful reaction 
in the slave States against emancipation, and in favor of per- 
petuating slavery. In a late editorial article, the Congrega- 
tionalist denies, that any such reaction has taken place. But 
there are, unhappily, abundant facts which prove it beyond all 
question. Let us look at a few of these facts. 

Before Abolitionism began its work of agitation, it was 
almost universally admitted in the slave States, that slavery is 
an evil of immense magnitude, from which it is most desirable 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 57, 

the country may be delivered ; and instances of emancipation 
were miiltiplyiug- in the slave States. The late venerable Dr. 
Alexander, in his History of Colonization, says : " The condi- 
tion of the slaves occupied the attention of many serious, 
sagacious men in Virginia, about the close of the last century. 
It was often a subject of free conversation among enlightened 
men, and their opinions, generally, were favorable to the eman- 
cipation of the slaves, both on principles of justice and sound 
policy. But the great difficulty was to know what disposal to 
make of them. To obviate this diflBculty, various plans were 
devised," etc. Dr. Alexander fui-ther states, that St. George 
Tucker, one of the judges of the Com-t of Appeals, professor of 
law in the College of William and Mary, and the editor of 
Blackstone's Commentaries, devised and published a plan for the 
gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the State. " And 
although his scheme was, by few, considered feasible, yet the 
proposal of emancipation from such high authority created no 
excitement in the country. The plan was canvassed, and its 
provisions discussed with as much calmness as ordinary political 
measures, in which all the citizens had an interest." Again and 
again, during the early part of the present century, the Legis- 
lature of Virginia agitated earnestly the subject of finding a 
suitable region to which free negroes, and those whose masters 
should liberate them, might be removed ; and that body gave its 
influence decidedly to Colonization. 

In the Christian Observer, of Boston, of October, 1816, 1 
find a letter from a gentleman in Baltimore, giving some most 
interesting facts relative to emancipation in Tennessee and 
Maryland, and other slave States. He makes the following 
general statement : " Now, emancipation seems to engage the 
attention of all ranks. Societies are forming in the most of the 
slave States, in some instances almost exclusively by slave- 
holders, for the express purpose of promoting that interesting 
measm-e. Formerly, the right to hold slaves was scarcely ever 



58 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

questioned ; now, it is admitted on all sides, that they are justly 
entitled to their liberty. Under this irapression, many are dis- 
posed to emancipate them, but are not willing to turn them 
loose, without education, upon the community," etc. Concern- 
ing the prospects of emancipation in Tennessee, the writer 
says : '' To a petition, circulated under the auspices of the 
Abolition Society of Tennessee to the Legislature of that 
State, for some legislative provision in the case, there were 
upwards of fifteen hundred signatures ; and as an evidence of 
their earnest desire for the consummation of their request, many 
of the slaveholders were so particular as to write opposite their 
names, * slaveholder.' " Of emancipation in Maryland, he says : 
" In this State, emancipation seems to be the order of the day. 
Many families of the first rank have recently manumitted their 
slaves. Few die now, without making provision for their en- 
largement; and, I trust, the time is near at hand when the 
Legislature will pass an act to register and secure the freedom 
of all such as may be born hereafter." In 1832, the Legisla- 
ture of ]\[aryland passed the following, amongst other resolu- 
tions, viz : '' Resolved, That as philanthropists and lovers of 
freedom, we deplore the existence of slavery among us, and 
would use our utmost exertions to ameliorate its condition ; " 
and they recommended Colonization " as the commencement of 
a system, by which, if judicious encouragement be afforded, these 
evils may be measurably diminished, so that, in process of time, 
the relative proportion of the black to the white population, 
will hardly be matter of serious or unpleasant consideration." 

During the same period, similar views prevailed in Kentucky; 
and the friends of emancipation looked forward confidently to 
the time, as rapidly approaching, when a plan of gradual eman- 
cipation would be adopted. Leading politicians in the State, 
as well as large numbers of Christians, were earnestly in favor 
of such a plan. For a number of years, a law existed, forbid- 
ding the importation of slaves into the State for purposes of 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 50 

traffic. This law was evidently intended to prevent the increase 
of the number of slaves, that emancipation might be more 
easily effected. Henry Clay, by far the most popular man in 
Kentucky, openly avowed his opposition to slavery. Dr. Alex- 
ander says : " While Mr. Clay has so warmly advocated the 
cause of the Colonization Society, and so firmly and strenuously 
opposed the mad schemes of the Abolitionists, he has ever 
openly declared his hostility to slavery." On this subject, he 
says : " If I could be instrumental in eradicating this deepest 
stain upon the character of our country, and removing all cause 
of reproach, on account of it, by foreign nations ; if I could be 
only instrumental in ridding of this foul blot, the revered State 
that gave me birth, or that not less beloved State, which kindly 
adopted me as her son, I would not exchange the proud satis- 
faction which I should enjoy, for all the triumphs ever decreed 
to the most successful conquerer." 

Between the years 1830 and 1834, the subject of slavery was 
freely and fully discussed by the Synod of Kentucky. This 
discussion resulted in the adoption of a plan of gradual eman- 
cipation to be recommended to the churches. This plan was 
published in a pamphlet, in which the evils of slavery were set 
forth in very strong language. Meanwhile, Sunday schools for 
colored persons were established in many places, and were 
largely attended. 

At the period to which I refer, confident hopes were enter- 
tained, that in the course of a few years, Virginia, Maryland, 
and Kentucky, would adopt plans of gradual emancipation. 
General Lafayette said — "I have been so long the friend of 
emancipation, particularly as regards these otherwise most 
happy States, that I behold, with the sincerest pleasure, the 
commencement of an institution, [the American Colonization 
Society,] whose progress and termination will, I trust, be 
attended by the most successful results ; " and he added — " You 
will, in time, have an accession of at least three free States iu 



60 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

this Union — Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky." This, he 
believed, "would occur within half a century from the time — 
almost thirty years ago — when he uttered these opinions. See 
Religious Intelligencer, of New Haven, for December 24, 1825. 

But in the midst of these cheering prospects, when all the 
leading Christian denominations, many of the leading states- 
men, and multitudes of the people, favored emancipation, par- 
ticularly in connection with Colonization, Abolitionism, in its 
modern type, commenced its career. Lloyd Garrison, the blas- 
pheming infidel, gave the key-note. In the year 1832, when 
the Colonization Society was enjoying the full tide of prosperity, 
he published a large book, entitled " Garrison's Thoughts on 
African Colonization." One of the New York papers said of 
this book, " the boldness, the magnitude, and the severity of his 
charges against the Society, are truly astonishing." Dr. Alex- 
ander says : " This was the origin of what is now called 
Abolitionism. Abolitionists had existed in great numbers 
before, and had formed Abolition societies ; but these were a 
peaceable and reflecting people, who looked at consequences, 
and attempted to produce no agitation, and employed no denun- 
ciation, but watched for, and embraced, any opportunities which 
offered, to defend the liberty of such as might be illegally held 
in bondage," etc. Mr. Garrison's zeal, as the same venerable 
writer tells us, " was not satisfied by his written publications in 
this country; but, as Mr. Cressou was in England gaining, and 
successfully winning favor to the cause there, Mr. Garrison 
determined to follow him, and counteract his influence, by pre- 
senting his own views." 

Thus, Abolitionism began its career under the lead of a reck- 
less, bad man. The first object of its attack was an institution 
now proved and admitted to be one of the noblest and most 
philanthropic of the nineteenth century, formed by some of the 
wisest and best men of the country; and the first weapons it 
wielded, were misrepresentation and slander. And although 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 



61 



good men were brought under itsj influence, their piety was 
injured, not promoted by it, and its spirit has, to this day, 
undergone no favorable change. With the rise of Abolitionism, 
commenced the reaction against emancipation, and in favor of 
slavery, which has increased with every passing year. Dr. 
Alexander states, that at the circulation of the Abolitionist 
publications, "alarm and indignation spread through the South- 
ern country, like an electric shock. In some instances, lawless 
acts of violence were resorted to, against persons suspected of 
Abolitionism, or found in possession of any of the books 
or pamphlets of the Anti-slavery Society. ^ * * The 
effect on the people of the South, in regard to slavery, was the 
very opposite of that aimed at ; sentiments more favorable to 
the continuance and even perpetuity of slavery, began now to 
be very commonly entertained ; whereas, before, such sentiments 
were scarcely ever heard." 

And now, brethren, what is the result of the Abolitionist 
agitation of a quarter of a century? In Virginia, we hear 
little now in favor of emancipation ; and no one expects, at 
any early day, to see a plan of emancipation adopted by that 
State. The same is true of Maryland. In Kentucky, the re- 
action seems almost complete. Instead of a plan of emancipa- 
tion, that State has adopted a Constitution, which fastens 
slavery upon it permanently. Slaveholders are no longer per- 
mitted to emancipate their slaves, unless they remove them from 
the State. This retrograde step has been taken, notwithstand- 
ing the earnest efforts of Presbyterians and others to secure a 
different result. In Missouri, the reaction is equally complete, 
and, of course, in the more southern States. This is not all, 
nor the worst. A state of feeling between the North and the 
South has been produced, which threatens the most disastrous 
results to our Civil Union ; and a dissolution of the Union would 
not only prove a curse to our country, but to the cause of free- 
dom and of Christianity throughout the world. 



62 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

I do not say, that those who run to the opposite extreme, 
because of the Abolitionist agitations, are excusable. Truth is 
not changed by the fanaticism of men ; nor is the obligation to 
embrace it canceled. Yet, no man acquainted with human 
nature, would have expected any other result, than what we 
now see and deplore. On the Abolitionists mainly rests the 
responsibility of the present state of things. Their principles 
and their course have been, in their effects, eminently pro- 
slavery. They have not only driven multitudes into pro-slavery 
views, but they have, to a great extent, tied the hands of the 
friends of emancipation in the slave States. They have, at the 
same time, crippled the influence of the great majority of the 
friends of emancipation in the free States. 

3. Abolitionism has done even more than I have mentioned, 
to render hopeless all the plans of emancipation. It has divided 
churches, which, as bodies, were decidedly favorable to the 
cause. The New School Presbyterian church is divided on this 
question of slavery; and instead of united action to remove the 
evil, there is painful agitation. In 1828, the General Confer- 
ence of the Methodist Episcopal church passed strong resolu- 
tions in favor of the Colonization cause, which even the 
Congregationalist allows to be, in its tendencies, most happy. 
But now, that large body is divided into the Church JSorth and 
the Church South ; and then the Church North is divided in 
sentiment. Other divisions, which I need not mention, have 
occurred ; and now, instead of the united efforts of the Chris- 
tian church to elevate the slaves, and remove from our country 
the evil of slavery, we have divided counsels, heart-burnings, 
and denunciations, which neutralize its influence. 

And then the cause of Christ has been made to bleed at every 
pore. Not only have ecclesiastical bodies been divided, but the 
peace of particular churches in the free States, has been de- 
stroyed. Thus, has the preaching of the Gospel been divested 
of its power ; and men have become hardened in sin. 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 63 

Thus, too, the Christian religion, which should have been the 
support of our Civil Union, and the preserver of its peace, has 
been perverted, so as most powerfully to work the dissolution of 
the Union, and the destruction of its peace. 

But the heart sickens in recounting the deplorable evils re- 
sulting from the errors of Abolitionism. Surely, it is high 
time for those who have produced such results, to question their 
own infallibility. It is time for them to exhibit some degree of 
modesty in censuring those who have conscientiously differed 
from them. Fraternally, 

N. L. Rice. 



LETTER IX. 

Brethren : — Abolitionism has had ample time to produce its 
legitimate fruits; and it has produced them. The following 
remarks, made by Mr. Webster, in a speech in Congress, five 
years ago, show that the most distinguished statesmen of New 
England took the same view of its disastrous effects, which I 
have already presented. He disavowed the intention to impute 
corrupt motives even to its leaders, but said — " I am not blind 
to the consequences. I cannot but see what mischief their inter- 
ference with the South has produced. And is it not plain to 
every man ? Let any gentleman who doubts of that, recur to 
the debates of the Virginia House of Delegates, in 1832, and 
he will see with what freedom a proposition made by Mr. Ran- 
dolph, for the gradual abolition of slavery, was discussed in 
that body. Every one spoke of slavery as he thought ; very 
ignominious and disparaging names and epithets were applied to 
it. The debates in the House of Delegates, on that occasion, 
I believe, were all published. They were read by every colored 
man who could read ; and if there were any who could not 



64 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

read, those debates were read to them by others. At that time, 
Virginia was not unwilling, nor afraid to discuss this question, 
and to let that part of her population know as much of it as 
they could learn. That was in 1832." After speaking of the 
commencement of the Abolition Societies, and of the character 
of their publications, he said — " They attempted to arouse, and 
did arouse, a very strong feeling ; in other words, they created 
great agitation in the North against Southern slavery. Well, 
what was the result ? The bonds of the slaves were bound more 
firmly than before — their rivets were more strongly fastened. 
Public opinion, which, in Yirginia, had begun to be exhibited 
against slavery, and was opening out for the discussion of the 
question, drew back, and shut itself up in its castle. I wish to 
know, whether anybody in Yirginia can now talk as Mr. Ran- 
dolph, Governor McDowell and others, talked then, openly, and 
sent their remarks to the press, in 1832 ? We all know the 
fact, and we all know the cause ; and everything that this agi- 
tating people have done, has been, not to enlarge, but to 
restrain ; not to set free, but to bind faster the slave population 
of the South. This is my judgment." 

I now propose to defend the Presbyterian church against the 
charges of Abolitionists. I do not afiBrm, that she has done her 
whole duty to the slaves in our country; but I do maintain, that 
the principles on which she has undeviatingly acted, are scrip- 
tural, and that her course, uniformly the same, has been 
eminently wise, and, in all its results, most happy. I maintain, 
that she has proved herself a better friend to the slaves than 
the Abolitionists. The reasons for these opinions, I now pro- 
ceed to give. 

1. The Presbyterian church has not failed to do for the 
slaves the great work which her commission from Christ re- 
quires his church to do for all men. She has preached to them 
the Gospel of Christ, and has been instrumental in the salvation 
of great numbers of them. You cannot deny, that the peculiar 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 65 

work committed by Christ to his ministers and his church, is to 
preach the Gospel to all men ; nor can you doubt, that it is 
infinitely more important to the slaves, to be saved from the 
bondage of sin and Satan, than from the servitude to man. 
You cannot, therefore, question — that those who have labored 
for the evangelization of the slaves, have done for them an in- 
comparably better work, than those whose main efforts have 
been directed to the effecting of their emancipation. 

If you will take the trouble to examine the Minutes of the 
Synods of Philadelphia and New York, and of the General 
Assembly, from its earliest existence, you will fSnd, that this 
work was never lost sight of. The Minutes of our Synods and 
Presbyteries in the slave States exhibit the same attention to 
the spiritual condition of the slaves. Some of our ablest minis- 
ters have devoted themselves wholly, for years together, to 
instructing the slaves in the truths of God's Word ; amongst 
whom I may mention Eev. Drs. CO. Jones and Adger. In a 
number of instances, planters have paid salaries to ministers to 
preach regularly to their slaves ; and not a few masters and 
mistresses have devoted part of each Sabbath to their religious 
instruction. Dr. Humphrey, one of your own most eminent 
men, says : " Many masters and mistresses spend much of the 
Sabbath in giving them (the slaves) moral and religious instruc- 
tion, which is greatly blessed to them." Again : " But a few 
in the free States, I believe, are aware to what an extent the 
owners of large plantations at the South, are cooperating with 
religious societies in bringing their slaves under the sound of the 
Gospel, nor of its saving effects upon tens of thousands who 
hear it. In the cities, large congregations and churches of 
colored people, mostly slaves, have been gathered by themselves, 
and under pastors of their own kindred. Elsewhere, slaves and 
their masters worship and sit together at the Lord's Table. The 
Spirit of the Lord is poured out upon the bond, as well as the 
free, if not more copiously. I had no idea myself, till lately, of 



CG LETTEKS ON SLATERY. 

how much is doing in the slave States, for the blacks, nor of 
the success of missionary labors among them." 

I should do great injustice to other denominations, were I 
not to say, that they participate in this good work quite as 
largely as the Presbyterian church. Dr. Humphrey states the 
fact, that in the Baptist churches of Georgia, there arefowteen 
thousand colored members. And he states the additional fact, 
that in 1851, the Methodist Church South employed 7une?j/-nme 
missionaries among the colored people, and mjiftij-two churches, 
they had thirty thousand one hundred and two members, and 
fourteen thousand four hundred and sixty-eight children under 
religious instruction. 

Abolitionists have succeeded in running a few slaves to 
Canada. The Christians and churches denounced by them as 
unfaithful to the slaves, have been instrumental in delivering, 
within the same time, tens of thousands of them from the bond- 
age of Satan. And though they may die in servitude to men, 
they will rejoice as the free men of Christ, through eternal ages. 
If they live and die in slavery, they have received that which 
makes them happier in slavery, than are wicked men in the en- 
joyment of freedom. " For he that is called in the Lord, being 
a servant, is the Lord's freeman." Tell me, brethren, who have 
been the truest friends of the slaves — those who have labored 
for their conversion to Christ, or those who have left their souls 
to perish in sin, and constantly clamored about their emancipa- 
tion ? 

2. The Presbyterian church, in evangelizing the slaves, has 
most effectually prepared them for freedom, whenever the pro- 
vidence of God shall open the way for their emancipation. You 
cannot deny that, to the ignorant and vicious, freedom is no 
great blessing ; and you cannot but know, that the prevailing 
ignorance and wickedness amongst slaves, have constituted one 
leading difficulty in the way of their emancipation. Moreover, 
you will acknowledge, that nothing so fully prepares any people 



LETTERS ON 6LAVKRT. 



67 



for the rational enjoyment of freedom, as an acquaintance with 
the Bible and true piety. This view was taken of the subject 
by the General Assembly of 1815. That body urged the 
Presbyteries " to adopt such measures as will secure, at least to 
the rising generation of slaves within the bounds of the church, 
a religious education ; that they may be prepared for the exer- 
cise and enjoyment of liberty, when God, in his providence, 
may open a door for their etoancipation." The Assembly of 
1818 repeated the recommendation, with the same object in 
view. 

3. The Presbyterian church, as well as other Anti-abolition 
churches, has preached the Gospel to masters and to the people 
of the slave States. And, brethren, you will not deny, that the 
Gospel is the divinely appointed means of reforming men, and 
inducing them to turn from all sin, and of removing all social 
evils. Let it be admitted, for argument's sake, that Presby- 
terian ministers have not, in their discourses, fully and faithfully 
explained and enforced the principles of the Bible with respect 
to slavery; you will acknowledge that they have so preached 
the Gospel— that God has blessed it to the conversion of multi- 
tudes of sinners ; and you will certainly admit, that whenever a 
man becomes a true Christian, he thinks of his accountability, 
and begins earnestly to inquire after his duty to those under his 
control. And if slavery is the heinous sin which Abolitionists 
represent it to be, will not intelligent men, reading the teachings 
of inspired men, be likely to see it so? And is it not a fact, 
that large numbers of slaveholders, under the influence of the 
Gospel, as preached in the slave States, have prepared their 
slaves for freedom, and then manumitted them? How often 
have individuals manumitted a number of slaves they might 
have sold for fifty thousand dollars? Allow me to ask you, as 
candid men, which has proved most efficacious in causing men 
to emancipate their slaves—the Gospel, as preached in the slave 
States, or the resolutions, pamphlets, etc., issued by Abolition- 



C8 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

ists in the free States ? Brethren, we are prepared to compare 
notes with jou. How many slaveholders have been induced by 
Abolitionist publications to emancipate their slaves ? 

But the preaching of the Gospel, even where it does not re- 
sult in numerous immediate emancipations, does greatly improve 
the condition of the slaves, by operating upon the minds of 
individuals, and by forming a powerful public sentiment against 
unkindness to them. There is no candid man, even tolerably 
informed, who will not testify, that the condition of the slaves 
has been improved precisely in proportion as tlie Gospel has 
exerted upon the people a more pervading influence. If all 
that is to be desired, has not been accomplished, yet much has 
been done to promote the happiness of the slaves in every slave- 
holding State. The physician, who cannot immediately, or at 
all, effect a cure, is regarded as doing a humane work, if he 
affords some partial relief to his patient. 

Certain it is, that the Presbyterian church has used, and is 
using, the very means appointed by God for the reformation of 
the world, and for improving the condition of men ; and it is 
no less certain, that Abolitionists have not used those means. 

4. Our church has not only preached the Gospel to masters 
and slaves, but she has exerted her authority over her own 
members, to protect the slaves from cruel treatment. The Gen- 
eral Assembly of 1818 enjoined it upon all church Sessions and 
Presbyteries "to discountenance, and, as far as possible, to 
prevent, all cruelty of whatever kind, in the treatment of slaves; 
especially the cruelty of separating husband and wife, parents and 
children ; and that which consists in selling slaves to those who 
will either themselves deprive these unhappy people of the 
blessings of the Gospel, or who will transport them to places 
where the Gospel is not proclaimed, or where it is forbidden to 
slaves to attend upon its institutions. The manifest violation 
or disregard of the injunction here given, in its true spirit and 
intention, ought to be considered as just gi'ound for the discip- 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 6^ 

line and censure of the church. And if it shall ever happen 
that a Christian professor, in our communion, shall sell a slave 
who is also in communion and good standing with om- church, 
contrary to his or her will and inclination, it ought immediately 
to claim the particular attention of the proper church judica- 
ture ; and unless there be such peculiar circumstances attending 
the case as can but seldom happen, it ought to be followed, 
without delay, by a suspension of the offender from all the 
privileges of the church, till he repent, and make all the repara- 
tion in his power, to the injured party." Such is, and long has 
been, the law of the Presbyterian church on this subject. As 
far as possible, she has protected slaves from cruel treatment, 
and secured to them the privilege of hearing the Gospel. 

5. The Presbyterian church has ever been the steadfast friend 
of the American Colonization Society; and she has favored 
Colonization, not because it made the slaves more valuable by 
the removal of the free negroes, as Abolitionists have imagined, 
but because it afforded the best means yet devised for promoting 
emancipation. The General Assembly of 1818, as stated in my 
first letter, favored Colonization with this view. The Assembly 
of 1819, resolved, "that in their opinion, the plan of the 
Society is benevolent in its design, and if properly supported, 
and judiciously and vigorously prosecuted, is calculated to be 
extensively useful to this country and to Africa." And after 
stating the difficulties in the way of placing the colored people 
in this country '• on a footing with their brethren of the same 
common family," the Assembly further says: "In restoring 
them to the land of their fathers, the Assembly hope that the 
way may be opened, not only for the accomplishment of that 
object, but for introducing Colonization and the Gospel to the 
benighted nations of Africa. From the information and state- 
ment received, the Assembly believe, that the proposed colony 
in Africa, may be made a powerful auxiliary in the efforts 
which are making to abolish the iniquitous traffic in slaves, car- 



70 LETTERS ON SLAVERY, 

ried on iu Africa ; and, happily, calculated to lay the founda- 
tion of a gradual emancipation of slaves in our own country, in 
a legal and constitutional manner, and without violating the 
rights, or injuring the feelings of our southern brethren." The 
Assembly of 1825 expressed " their high gratification at the 
progress of the American Colonization Society," which they 
regarded as " a great work of humanity and religion." They 
declared their conviction, "that the temporal prosperity and 
moral interests of an extensive section of our country, of a 
numerous, degraded and miserable class of men in the midst of 
us, and of the vast continent of Africa, uncivilized and uu- 
christianized, are ultimately connected with the success of this 
institution." They, therefore, resolved, unanimously, to recom- 
mend to the churches under their care, to patronize the objects 
of the Society, and to take up collections for it on the fom-th of 
July. 

These are specimens of the action of the General Assembly 
of our church on the subject of Colonization. Did the Pres- 
byterian church over-estimate its importance? Has not the re- 
sult fully justified the expectation expressed ? It has planted, 
on the shores of Africa, a Christian Kepublic, which extends 
its civilizing and Christianizing influence over tens of thousands 
of the benighted natives. It has suppressed the slave trade 
along the coast more effectually than could the armed vessels of 
England, France, and the United States. It has afforded a 
home to a large number of those once in slavery, where they 
enjoy complete freedom. It has afforded the opportunity to 
slaveholders, who felt it their duty to manumit their slaves, to 
do so. And it is yet in its infancy, and has but just entered 
upon its noble mission. 

Even the Congregationalist, that sees almost nothing good in 
any enterprise which is not baptized with the spirit of Aboli- 
tionism, praises Colonization, and bids it God speed, " regard- 
ing it as a lamp and pitcher in the band of Gideon and his 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 71 

men — the token of God's presence among us for the overthrow 
of the slaveholder's hosts ! " Exactly so. It turns out that the 
institution bitterly and perseveringly denounced by Abolition- 
ists, as designed to aid slaveholders in oppressing their slaves, 
has demonstrated itself a greater friend to the African race, 
than those who proclaimed themselves the special friends of the 
slaves. Aided by Presbyterians and other Anti-abolitionists, it 
has done a work incomparably greater and better than they ever 
pretend to have done ; and this work, it has accomplished peace- 
fully, without agitation or violence, blessing, at the same time, 
both masters and slaves. 

In view of such facts as these, brethren, we stand before the 
world, prepared to look our Congregational brethren in the 
face, and to compare notes with those who have deemed it their 
duty to lecture us. We have not done our whole duty; but we 
have done incomparably more than those who were content to 
deliver windy speeches, and pass windy resolutions in the free 
States; and we would have accomplished far more, but for 
their unwise interference. Fraternally, 

N. L. Rice. 



LETTER X. 

Brethren : — From Rev. Dr. Baird's account of the state 
and prospects of religion in America, made to the late Confer- 
ence of Evangelical Alliance, in Paris, I learn, that in 1850, 
there were, in Virginia, 54,333 free people of color ; in Mary- 
land, 74,723 ; and in all the slaveholding States, 290,424. How 
came all these people by their freedom? Has Abolitionism 
exerted an influence in the slave States so extensive in favor of 
emancipation? Far otherwise. As Dr. Baird remarks — 
" These people or their ancestors, obtained their freedom by the 



72 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

influence of the Gospel on the hearts of their former masters." 
And by whom was the Gospel preached to them ? Not by 
Abolitionists, but by the men whom they are accustomed to 
condemn, as unfriendly to the slaves. In the same manner, a 
large proportion of the 204,484 colored j)eople in the free 
States obtained their freedom. Add to those the colony of 
Liberia, and you see what the Gospel, unaided by Abolitionism, 
has done for emancipation. 

The position of the Presbyterian church, in relation to slav- 
ery, is happily distinguished from that of Abolitionists in this — 
that her utterances and her course have been unamhiguous and 
uniformly consistent. 

1. She has uniformly condemned the slave trade, as a great 
wickedness ; and, therefore, has not hesitated to condemn the 
conduct of those who introduced slavery into our country, and 
of those who, in our country, traffic in slaves. 

2. She has uniformly made a broad distinction between those 
who forced slavery upon the different States, and those who 
find themselves involved in the evil to such an extent, as to ren- 
der an immediate removal of it, especially in the present state 
of public sentiment, impracticable. It was not a sin for these 
last to inherit the evil ; nor is it their duty, in order to remove 
it, to adopt measures deeply injurious to masters and slaves. 
Tet, since it is an evil of immense magnitude to masters, to 
slaves, and to every State in which it exists, it is the duty of 
all concerned to do what they can, by the operation of sound 
principles, to remove it. Precisely this ground was taken by 
the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, in 1787. That 
body declared, that they " do highly approve of the principles 
in favor of universal liberty, that prevail in America, and the 
interest which many of the States have taken in promoting the 
abolition of slavery. Yet, inasmuch as men introduced from a 
servile state to a participation of all the privileges of civil 
society, without a proper education, and without previous 



LETTERS Oil SLAVERY. 73 

habits of industry, may be, in many respects, dangerous to the 
community; therefore, they earnestly recommend it to all the 
members belonging to their communion, to give those persons 
who are at present held in servitude, such good education as to 
prepare them for the better enjoyment of freedom." The Gen- 
eral Assemblies of 1793, 1815, and 1818, took precisely the 
same ground, not favoring immediate emancipation, but ear- 
nestly recommending the adoption of the most effective means 
toward the final abolition of slavery — especially Colonization 
in Africa. 

3. In accordance with these vicAvs, our church has ever re- 
fused to make the mere fact of slaveholdiug a bar to Christian 
fellowship. In 1795, the following overture was presented to 
the General Assembly : " A serious and conscientious person, 
a member of the Presbyterian congregation, who views the 
slavery of the negroes as a moral evil, highly offensive to God, 
and injurious to the interests of the Gospel, lives under the 
ministry of a person^ or amongst a society of people, who con- 
cur with him in sentiment on the subject upon general princi- 
ples — yet, for particular reasons, hold slaves, and tolerate the 
practice in others : Ought the former of these persons, under 
the impressions and circumstances above described, to hold 
Christian communion with the latter?" After "due delibera- 
tion," the Assembly resolved — " That as the same difference of 
opinion, with respect to slavery, takes place in sundry parts of 
the Presbyterian church, notwithstanding which they live in 
charity and peace, according to the doctrine and practice of 
the apostles, it is hereby recommended to all conscientious per- 
sons, and especially to those whom it immediately respects, to 
do the same." The Assembly of 1815 reaffirmed the same 
view. The Assembly of 1845 took precisely the same ground, 

4. The Presbyterian church has uniformly relied on the Gos- 
pel as the chief means for the elevation of the slaves, and for 
the removal of slavery. She has, therefore, given no counten- 

4 



74 LETTERS OX SLATERT. 

ance to conventions of men and women of all shades of opinion, 
agreeing almost in nothing, except in tlenouncing slavery. Nor 
have our General Assemblies deemed it wise to be constantly 
debating the question, and passing general resolutions. Such 
a course, at all times of doubtful wisdom, in dealing with an 
extremely complicated and difficult subject, would be eminently 
unwise, at a period when the improper course of imprudent 
men has produced an excitement most unfriendly to the progress 
of the truth. The wise man has taught us, that there is " a 
time to keep silent," as well as '•' a time to speak." 

In two respects, our church has been misrepresented. Her 
enemies have charged her with changing her ground. This 
charge, as her public acts prove, is untrue. She has never been 
either Abolitionist or Pro-slavenj, but has undeviatingly adhered 
to the plain teaching of inspired men — firmly believing, that 
"the foolishness of God is wiser than men." She has been 
charged with fearing and shunning discussion. This charge is 
false. The records of our General Assemblies show, that again 
and again, the subject of slavery has been discussed in their 
sessions with the utmost freedom. ISTo longer ago than 1845, 
the petitions of Abolitionists were received, committed to a 
large committee, considered, and decided upon. In one respect, 
we are behind .some of our contemporaries — we are not *' ever 
learning, and never able to come to a knowledge of the truth." 
You will excuse this defect I 

But, brethren, *• wise men " came frojn the East in ancient 
times. "Why not now? Our New England brethren have sent 
delegates to enlighten tlie Presbyterian church on the subject 
of slavery. As Abolitionists, or as Congregationalists, were 
you really prepared to afford us any light? When we look 
into the ranks of Abolitionists, do we find unity ? Far from 
it. We see one party, composed of men and women, of various 
colors, furiously denouncing cilaverij and the Bible, as almost 
equally bad I The very principles l)y which this party would 



LETTERS ON SLATERt. 75 

overturn slavery, would overturn church, State, and family, and 
produce the most horrid anarchy. Next behind these, we see a 
party professing to be Christians, but refusing to cooperate with 
such institutions as the American Board of Foreign Missions, 
the American Tract Society, elc, because they are too Pro- 
slavery. This party seems to manifest a tender sympathy for 
the womaiis rights movement ; and ilieir debates are eulivened 
by the Rev. Mis^; Bvoiiii and others oi' the lilce views. Next 
in order to these, is a j^arty who sustain the societies to which 
I have referred, and wlvo would even be wilimg to send dele- 
gates to the General Assembly, provided they might relieve 
their consciences by delivering a very brief lecture on slavery I 
This party is represented by the Congregcuionalisi and the 
Independent. Next comes a large and influential class of Con- 
gregationalists, who, though decidedly Anti-slavery, have no 
sympathy with the distinctive doctrines of Abolitionists, and 
none with their agitations. This class is represented by such 
men as Drs. Adams, Humphrey, Lord, Cummings, etc. 

Now, brethren, if we could bring all the Abolitionists toge- 
ther in one grand convention, what a sight ? Professedly evan- 
gelical men, Quakers, Unitarians, Universalists, Infidels, etc. — 
would you look for light on any moral question from such a 
heterogeneous multitude ? But you visited the General Assem- 
bly, as delegates from the Congregational Associations. Well, are 
the members of these Associations agreed either as to the sin of 
slaveholding, or as to the duty of Christian churches in the 
slaveholding States? They are not. Far from it. If you 
cannot convince your brethren in New England of the truth of 
the doctrines of Abolitionists and of the wisdom of their course, 
how do you expect to convince Presbyterians ? After all, did 
you give to the Assembly any new light ? You gave us your 
opinion, that slavery is a bad thing ; but did you expect such 
an expression of opinion to have any weight with the General 
Assembly? Why sliould it? The members of that body bad 



7S LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

enjoyed quite as good opportunities, to say the least, of becom- 
ing acquainted with slavery, as you, or the bodies represented 
by you. Of what particular advantage, then, was the expres- 
sion of youi' opinion? If it relieved the consciences of any of 
our New England brethren, I am satisfied ; but they must have 
singular consciences, if they are relieved by doing what could 
not, and should not, have any weight with honest men— espe- 
cially as you did not tell the Assembly what, in your opinion^ 
they ought to do. Those who volunteer advice and reproof, 
ought not to evade the most difficult points ; nor to find fault 
with those who are doing the best they know how, unless they 
are prepared to inform them of some better way. I heard you 
attentively; and I really did not know, when you concluded 
yom- remarks, what you thought we ought to do. Brethi'en, 
this was a capital defect in your addresses. 

But I must bring these letters to a close. If I know my own 
heart, I desire to know the whole truth on this subject. I have 
carefully examined it in the light of God's Word ; and I have 
formed conclusions. But, brethren, if you can give me any new 
light, I shall be grateful to you. I have resided and preached 
the Gospel in both the free and the slave States. I have seen 
slavery as it is ; but I never owned a slave, and never expect to 
own one. I think I have examined the subject impartially. If 
you say, the slave trade is an abominable wickedness, whether 
carried on abroad, or in our own country, I agree with you. 
If you affirm, that slavery is a great evil, which philanthropists 
and Christians ought to seek to remove from our country, I 
agree with you again. If you assert, that many of the laws 
which regulate slavery, are oppressive and unjust, and ought to 
be changed, I still agree with you. If you say, that the slaves 
are our fellow-men, rational, accountable, immortal, and that 
we are l)ound to do what we can to promote their present and 
future happiness, I heartily agree with you. If you go further, 
and assert, that slaveholding, without regard to cu'cumstances, 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 1*1 

is sin, and that all slaveholders ought to be excluded from the 
church of Christ, I cauuot agree with you. Xeither my Bible 
my reason, nor my observation, v/ill allow me to agree with you. 

Brethren, can you tell us of any method by which slavery can 
be abolished, and the condition of the slaves materially im- 
proved ? We have the Gospel ; can you tell us of anything 
which will exert a better or a more powerful influence over the 
minds of men ? We advocate Colonization ; can you tell us 
of any better or more efficient agency ? You may denounce 
slavery in general, as long as you please, but your general reso- 
lutions give no light. 

After all, would it not be vrise in you to abandon a course 
which has been fully tried, and which has been productive only 
of evil, and once more try the preaching of the Gospel ! If 
you feel called to do anything in the matter, would it not be 
well to unite cordially with the friends of emancipation in pro- 
moting Colonization ? Most heartily, do I adopt the language 
of the venerable Dr. Humphrey, one of your most distinguished 
ministers, on this subject : " Let us neither denounce nor be dis- 
couraged, because the great w^ork lingers. ' Light and love,' 
and soft words and strong reasons, will ultimately prevail." 

The time has come, in my humble judgment, when it is both 
the interest and the duty of every true Christian and philan- 
thropist to throw the full weight of his influence against the 
fanaticism of Abolitionism, and the fanaticism of Pro-slavery- 
ism. The former is like a quack doctor, who, in his unskillful 
treatment of a chronic disease, produces other diseases, and 
threatens to kill the patient ; and the latter, like a deranged 
man, would resist the most skillful physician, and bless God^r 
his malady. They are two extreme errors, each enlisting in its 
defence the worst passions of human nature, and threatening 
ruin to Church and State. 

Brethren, I have now, to the best of my ability, discharged a 
duty I owed, as I think, to the cause of Christ, to my church. 



•9 LETTERS ON SLAVERY, 

to my country, to the slaves. Cheerfully, do I leave the subject 
before the miuds of those who may think it worth while to read 
what I have written, praying God that the truth may prevail. 
With kindest feelings, I am. Yours, fraternally, 

JS". L. Rice. 
P. S.— I should do injustice to Rev. Mr. Thayer, of Rhode 
Island, and to my own feelings, were I to close these letters, 
without saying, that his address to the General Assembly, was 
not only entirely courteous, (as were the addresses of the other 
Congregational delegates,) but entirely free from the expression 
of any sentiment to which exception could be taken. 



54 « 



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